Showing posts with label Tamil Conference. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Tamil Conference. Show all posts

Monday, December 6, 2010

'How deep are roots of Indian Civilization?' -- Extracts from the Seminar speeches


Abstracts of Speakers International Seminar on "How Deep are the Roots of Indian Civilization? An Archaeological and Historical Perspective" -- Vivekananda Intl. Foundation, Nov. 25 - 27, 2010




International Seminar at VIF


Keynote Address delivered 

by


Professor B. B. Lal

(Former Director General, Archaeological Survey of India)


For quite some time a series of postulates have been distorting our vision of India's past. Some of these are:


1. The Vedas are no older than 1200 BCE and the Vedic people were nomads.

2. The authors of the Harappan Civilization, ascribable to the 3rd millennium BCE, were a Dravidian-speaking people.

This civilization was destroyed by Aryan invaders and thereby became extinct.

3. When it was demonstrated that there was no 'Aryan Invasion', another theory was floated, namely that the Aryans were immigrants from the Bactria-Margiana Archaeological Complex of Central Asia.

Recent excavations at a number of sites in Rajasthan, Haryana, Panjab and Gujarat and a fresh study of the Vedic texts have demonstrated that all the above postulates are ill-founded. We now know for certain that -


1. The Rigveda is much older than 2000 BCE. A close scrutiny of the text clearly demonstrates that the Rigvedic people were not nomads.


2. The Rigvedic domain and the area occupied by the Harappan Civilization were co-terminus and that the Vedas and this civilization are but two faces of the same coin.


3. The Harappan Civilization did not become extinct. On the other hand, many of its features are noticeable even today.


4. The roots of the Harappan Civilization, on the basis of C-14 dating, go back to the 5th millennium BCE, if not earlier.


Thus, the Harappan/Vedic people were indigenous and not invaders or immigrants.
5. Further, archaeological and literary evidences combine to show that a section of the Vedic people emigrated to as far west as Turkey, via Iran, some time at the beginning of the 2nd millennium BCE.


About Professor B.B. Lal


Born in 1921 and educated at the University of Allahabad and Institute of Archaeology, London, Professor B. B. Lal was the Director General of the Archaeological Survey of India from 1968-72. His excavations at sites associated with the Mahabharata and Ramayana have shown that there was a kernel of truth in these epics, in spite of the fact that these have witnessed heavy interpolations. The excavation at Kalibagan has added many new dimensions to our knowledge of the Harappan Civilization. Professor Lal has published over hundred seminal papers in renowned research journals in India, USA, UK, Italy, France, etc. and over a dozen books, the latest being How Deep are the Roots of Indian Civilization? Archaeology Answers, on which is focused the current seminar. Realizing the importance of Professor Lal's researches, the Institute of Archaeology, St. Petersberg, Russia, has conferred on him an honorary D. Litt., while the President of India has honored him with Padma Bhushan.


http://www.vifindia.org/ Abstracts-of-Speakers- International-Seminar%20


http://www.vifindia.org/sites/ default/files/Abstract_22_11_ 10.pdf Abstracts of presentations

Dr. B. B. Lal 2
Dr. J.R. Sharma, CAZRI  2 - 3
Prof. Shiva Bajpai 4 - 5 
Dr. R.S. Bisht 5 
Dr. Michel Danino 5 - 6
Prof. Maurizio Tosi  6
Dr. Jitendra Nath  7
Prof. N. Kazanas 7 - 9
 Prof. Jim G. Shaffer  9 - 10
Dr. Bhagwan Singh 10 - 11
Prof. Nilofar Shaikh 11
Pro. V.H. Sonawane 12 
Dr. A.K. Sharma  12 - 13
Dr. Nandini Sahu 13
Dr. K.N. Dikshit 13 - 14 
Dr. B.R. Mani  14 - 15
Prof. Purushottam Singh  15 - 19
Dr. D.K. Chakraborty 20 - 21
Prof. Nayanjot Lahiri 21
Dr. S Kalyanraman 21
Maj. Gen. G.D. Bakshi 22
Dr. Veena Datta 22 - 23 
Dr. Bhuwan Vikram 23 - 29 2
------------------------------ ------------------------------ --------------

The collapse of the Aryan Invasion Theory


N. Kazanas, August 2010


The AIT started in late 18th and early 19th centuries as an explanation of the caste system. Thus various European scholars postulated an invasion from non-Indic people (Egyptian or Mesopotamian) who conquered the natives: the invaders (with a strong priestly class) became the two upper castes and the natives the two lower ones (vaishyas and shûdras). This was refined and turned into a linguistic matter after Jones made his speech about the relation between Sanskrit, Greek, Latin etc. The invaders became IE and so was formed a general theory of Aryan or IE invasions to account for the Greek, Italic, Germanic people and so on, in their historical habitats.In mid-nineteenth cent. Max Müller turned the Theory into an entirely linguistic affair. He postulated certain dates for the composition of Indic literature and these became fixed in the minds of indologists. Thereafter, all linguistic refinements for  the  IE  tongues  (Hittite, Greek, Baltic, Slavic etc) were worked out on  this model, namely  that  there was a PIE language which mainly  through migrations  and  invasions  spread  from  an  unspecified  centre  (but  not  India)  and developed into the present different IE language including Old Indic (=Vedic Sanskrit) and Iranian (=Avestan and Old Persian).



At the turn of the 19th to the 20th centuries this view was turned by Europeans  (later the Nazis) into a thoroughly racial affair ascribing to themselves superiority. This racial doctrine has now been abandoned and we have only the linguistic one.



In the 1920s were made the first important discoveries of the ancient Indus Valley or Harappan civilisation. This should have alerted indologists to the possibility that a large part of the Vedic literature was composed by this civilisation which I shall call hereafter the Indus-Sarasvati Civilisation or ISC in short, since most settlements were unearthed on or along the old Sarasvati river. This did not happen. Instead, indologists (mainly sanskritists) found in the ruins of this civilisation evidence that Indo-Aryans invaded and destroyed these cities just as the Rgveda says, according to their own interpretation, that Indra, the chief god of the conquerors destroyed the enemy purs 'towns, forts'. So a big paradox remained: on the one hand, there was Vedic Literature (a vast corpus) without any other cultural (=archaeological) remains  to  support  it;  on  the  other,  a  large  culture  unearthed  by  archaeologists  but without  literature  despite  its knowledge of writing!



However, in the 1960's it was established by archaeologists that there had been no invasion , no wars, no violence, and that those towns had fallen into ruination because of natural causes, such as earthquakes which diverted the waters of some rivers and thus caused desiccation on a large scale. But the linguists persisted in their doctrine and the invasion became now "immigration". But this produced now a second big paradox, i.e. the aryanisation of this vast area where toponymics (=names of rivers, mountains etc) are Aryan (=Sanskritic), not Dravidian or names from another language: small waves of  immigrants, according  to  linguists, produced  the SJ &  IA C 2 aryanisation of a country which only invasion, conquest and coercion could have effected!



Any impartial study of the facts, archaeological and linguistic, shows that there is no evidence of any kind to support the so called "waves of immigrations".




(a) Anthropological evidence (cranial and skeletal) shows that there was no demographic disruption down to c 600, except perhaps for the period 6000-4500.


(b) Genetical studies now show that there was no inflow of genes into the Indian subcontinent prior to c 600. On the contrary there was flow of genes out of India and into the north-western regions.



Max Müller's dating of the Vedic Literature is based on fictions and has no basis whatever in reality.


The  so-called  linguistic  evidence  (i.e.  isoglosses,  loan-words  etc)  can  be,  and  have  been,  shown  to  require  no immigration. One eminent  linguist at  least demonstrated  that  the original homeland  is Bactria which  is adjacent  to Saptasindhu, the Land of the Seven Rivers (=N-W India and Pakistan).



Positing Saptasindhu as the original homeland not only does not create problems but, on the contrary, dissolves all difficulties.

For instance:


(a) Vedic alone has dhâtus and on the whole invariable principles in generating verbs and their conjugations and nouns and their declensions etc.


(b) Vedic has both augmented Aorist (=past tense) like á-dhât and an augmented dhât from √dhâ put'. Germanic has only anaugmented and Greek only augmented.


(c) Vedic poetry has both  strict metre  and  alliteration whereas Greek  and  Latin  have  only metrical  verses  and Germanic  poetry  has alliterative lines only without strict metre.


(d) No two IE cultures ( e.g. Baltic, Celtic, Germanic etc) have any IE theonyms (=names of deities)  to  the exclusion of Vedic. On  the other hand, Vedic has 20  theonyms of which Greek has , Germanic 8, Italic (=Latin) and Celtic 6 and the others even less.


It  is agreed by all,  including Western  invasionists  like Witzel,  that  the Rigveda hymns were composed around  the Sarasvati area. But while  they give a date of composition c 1200-1000,  the available  literary, anthropological and archaeological evidences indicate a date before 3500. Here I summarise broadly the most important points.



1. The Brhadâranyaka Upanisad has a list of 60 teachers. If we allow 15 years for each one, we obtain a period of 900 years. If the BU is of 600 BC, as the AIT scenario wants, the list takes as back to 1500. But none of the 60 teachers nor the doctrine 'Atman is Brahman' or 'I am Brahman' appear in the RV; the doctrine appears in the Atharva Veda in an approximate form. Given that the RV is linguistically many centuries earlier than the BU, the RVmust be put at least 500-600 earlier, i.e. before 2000!



2.  Linguistically  the  RV is  many  centuries  older  than  the  Brâhmanas and  the  Mahâbhârata.  Palaeoastronomy (astrophysicist N. Achar) has shown that astronomical references in the Shatapatha Brâhmana are true for the date 3000-2950. Several astronomical references in the epic are true for 3100-3000! Thus the RVmust be from about 3500 and before.



3. The Rgveda does not have many features that characterise the ISC and appear only later in post-rigvedic texts.


Thus there are NOT–

(a) istakâ the brick, mostly of raw mud, sometimes baked. This was one of the main construction materials in the Early ISC starting at about 3500. Prior to this houses were fashioned of wood with wattle-and-daub, as described in the RV;


(b) larger urban settlements in the RVas we find them in the ISC;


(c) fixed altars or hearths as described in the Yajur Veda and the Brâhmanas;


(d) ruins or ruined towns;


(e) cotton karpâsa;


(f)silver rajata;(g) rice vrîhi;


(h) literacy 'lipi, lekha(-na)';


(i) artistic iconography (sculpture, relief, seals).



Bricks are mentioned first in Yajur Veda and extensively in the Brâhmanas. Silver appears as rajata-hiranya in the Yajur Veda; rice vrîhi in the Atharva Veda; cotton karpâsa, first in Baudhâyana's Sûtras; and so on.



4. The river Sarasvatî is praised as a mighty and all nourishing river in all the Books or the RV except the fourth. Even in late hymns such as 8.21 or 10.64 and 10.177 Sarasvatî is said to give wealth and nourishment and the poets invoke her as «great». In 6.52 Sarasvatî is «swollen by other (three or more) rivers»; in 6.61 she is endless, swift-moving, most dear among her sisters and nourishing the five tribes of the Vedic people; in 2.41.16 Sarasvatî is «best river, best mother, best goddess»; in 7.95.2 this mighty river «flows pure from the mountains to the ocean».



The river dried up around 1900 BCE. So the RV is referring to a condition long before the end of the river. Archaeologists and palaeohydrologists say that Sarasvatî flowed from the Himalayas to the ocean (in the Rann of Kutch) before 3800 BCE. Satellite photos and other analyses confirm now the route of the river from the mountain to the ocean. After this period some of the rivers feeding the Sarasvatî were, due to tectonic shifts, captured by other rivers (eg the Indus and the Ganges) and so this once mighty river weakened and began to dry up reaching its final desiccation c 1900 BCE.



Consequently the RV, or at least all those hymns that praise Sarasvatî were composed before 3600 possibly before 4000. This date agrees with the building materials and techniques (the pre-brick phase) of the very early Harappan culture, as established by archaeologists and as described in RV.



Conclusion:  If  the bulk of several hymns of  the RV were composed c 4000-3600  the  Indoaryans using  the Vedic language were settled  in Saptasindhu at  that period.Whatever else might have happened before  that period,  the Indoaryans were by 1700 BCE thoroughly indigenous.



About  Prof. Nicholas Kazanas


Nicholas Kazanas was born in Greece in 1939. He studied English Literature at University College, Economics and Philosophy at the School of Economic Science and Sanskrit at theSchool of Oriental and African studies – all in London; also post-graduate at SOAS and at Deccan College in Pune. Prof. Kazanas taught in London and Athens and since 1980 has been Director of Omilos Meleton Cultural Institute. In Greece he has published treatises of social, economic and philosophical interest. He has many publications in Western and Indian Journals and some books. He is on the Editorial Board of Adyar Library Bulettin (Chennai). He has participated in international Conferences in London, in the USA and in India. From 1997 he has turned towards the Vedic Tradition and its place in the wider Indo-European culture. This research comprises thorough examination of Indo-European cultures, comparing their philosophical ideas and values, their languages, mythological issues and religions.

*******************


The Battle for Ancient India


Dilip K Chakrabarti, Emeritus professor of South Asian Archaeology, Cambridge University



For more than two decades, the politics of the past has been an important part of the theoretical literature of archaeology and ancient studies, although, apart from two books by the present author and some papers both by him and others, India does not figure in this literature. The purpose of the present paper is to outline how and why the study of ancient India  including  its  archaeology  has  come  to  be  related  to  different  power  structures  and  ideologies which  have dominated the Indian scene from the beginning of the British rule to the present period.



But there are also people to whom the idea of a spiritually rich India is redolent of an unacceptably Hindu India. From this point of view , the Sarasvati  has to be argued as a mythical river and Hinduism has to be interpreted as a phenomenon which developed only  after  the Aryans  came to India. From this perspective, Hinduism is as much native to the Indian soil as Islam and Christianity are. All of them came with the influx of new people, the Aryans in the case of the Hindus, the Muslims in the case of Islam and the Europeans in the case of Christianity. The idea of continuity of the Indian civilization does not suit the beliefs of this group of people.




Within this primary frame, there are various shades of opinions regarding various fields. The first is the unqualified acceptance of the idea of correlation between race, language and culture, of which the Aryans, Dravidians, etc. are logical offshoots. This led to the concept of the Aryan rule of India on the one hand and the genesis and persistence of the Dravidian movement on the other. These concepts have many ramifications  and  deserve  detailed discussions exposing their hollowness. If the Dravidian movement in Tamil Nadu has assumed a form in which scholars extolling the virtues of Tamil civilization are handsomely rewarded,  the  Aryanists  in Tamil Nadu refuse to dissociate the origins of the Tamil civilization from the perceived migrations from the north. When a scholar of the stature of I.Mahadevan refuses to take the date of the earliest Brahmi inscriptions in Tamil Nadu earlier than the third century BC, even though in the neighbouring Sri Lanka they date from the mid-5 century BC and the archaeological sequence at sites like Kodumanal takes the Brahmi-inscribed sherds to c.500 BC, the most charitable explanation I can offer is that to Tamilians of higher castes, the idea of an early literate Tamil antiquity is not particularly acceptable.



The terms like the Aryans, Dravidians, etc. are still freely used in Indian archaeology with unhappy implications.  B.B.Lal, for instance, puts the 'Aryan  homeland'  in  India  whereas to those familiar with the concerned literature behind the Aryan idea, this Aryan idea is nothing but a racist myth and should be discarded forthwith. On the other hand, there is no lack  of  attempts in recent times  to seek the Aryans  in such places as Bactria or the southern part of Siberia.



The  second  sub-area of dispute is the extent to which the different technological elements like food-production, metallurgy, etc.  are  the  results  of  diffusionary  spreads or indigenous developments. At almost every stage of the Indus civilization we have encountered such disputes, including those about its chronology, and in a later context, still there are people unwilling to accept an early   date   for the beginning of iron in India.



A detailed item by item discussion on these and other issues is beyond the scope of the present paper, but it may be useful if we remember the contexts which have given rise to them. Finally, it is worth remembering that the study of ancient India still suffers from certain basic infra-structural problems such as the absence of a national level laboratory devoted to various kinds of dating and other scientific and technical analyses of archaeological objects. It would also be nice if the concerned archaeologists could publish their findings without waiting for their retirements.



About Prof. Dilip K Chakrabarti



Dilip K Chakrabarti is Emeritus Professor of South Asian Archaeology at Cambridge University. He has authored books, besides editing 5 volumes and authoring about 200 articles, notes and reviews. He was awarded Hony. D.Litt by M.J.P. University, Bareilly, and S.C.Chakrabarti medal of the Asiatic Society, Kolkata. He received the Ranade book-2021prize of the Indian Archaeological Society for his book " The Oxford Companion to Indian Archaeology" (2006). His most recent books are "The Ancient Routes of the Deccan and the Southern Peninsula" (Delhi 2010 : Aryan Books) and " The Geopolitical Orbits of Ancient India" (Delhi 2010: OUP). His forthcoming book is " Royal Messages by the Wayside : Historical Geography of the Asokan Edicts" (Delhi 2011 : Aryan Books).


**************


Decrypting Indus Valley Script: what it means to the Study of Indian Civilization


S. Kalyanraman


Languages of present-day  India can be explained  from a common source. The  Indus Script Cipher (2010) by S. Kalyanaraman, is premised on India as a linguistic area. Thus a list of lexemes common to all major language families of India is compiled surmising them to be derived from the common semantic -- and hence, cultural -- pool. Language is but a social contract in a cultural continuum of a civilizational area. Hopefully, the next generation of scholars will not have to repeat the refrain: "The Indus Script has not been deciphered so far…" The rebus decryption of the script occurs by matching glyptic elements of hieroglyphs of the script with homonyms from the list of lexemes. The decryption identifies a set of homonyms, all of which are related to the repertoire of stone-workers (lapidaries) and the glyphs used in their writing system. This work, evidencing the language union (sprachbund) contributes to historical studies emphasizing the essential cultural continuum  from  the days of  Indus Valley  (Sarasvati-Sindhu) civilization  into  India's historical periods.


About Dr. S. Kalyanaraman


Dr. S. Kalyanaraman is Director, Sarasvati Research Centre, President, Ramasetu Protection Movement and BoD member of World Association of Vedic Studies. His research interests are: Vedic Sarasvati River and Hindu civilization, decrypting Indus Script, National Water Grid and creation of Indian Ocean Community. He was a senior financial and IT executive  in Asian Development Bank, Manila, Philippines and  in  Indian Railways. His publications  include:  Indian Lexicon -- a multilingual dictionary of over 25 ancient Indian languages, Sarasvati in 11 volumes, Indian Alchemy -- Soma in the Veda, Indus Script Cipher. He is a recipient of many awards including Vakankar Award, Hedgewar Prajna Samman and Sivananda Eminent Citizen Award. website: http://sites.google.com/site/ kalyan97


Read on...http://www.vifindia.org/ sites/default/files/Abstract_ 22_11_10.pdf


Full paper will made available soon.


Mirrored at: https://sites.google.com/ site/kalyan97/

 

Thursday, December 2, 2010

Dravidian movement had an anti-intellectual tendency – Noboru Karashima.

From

http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/interview/article925942.ece

In an interview, Japanese scholar Noboru Karashima speaks on his recent work, the state of historical research in universities and government institutes in India, and his deep concern over the uncertain future of the discipline of epigraphy in India.

 

It is now over 50 years since Noboru Karashima, now Professor Emeritus at the University of Tokyo, published his first study on the medieval economic history of South India – a small essay on land control in Allur and Isanamangalam villages in the Cauvery delta, based on a study of Chola inscriptions. With that he pioneered a methodological framework for studying inscriptions, and for interpreting the mass of information that this historical source contains. He is today a pre-eminent scholar on the medieval history of south India. He has also contributed significantly to a rich tradition of Japanese social science research on India, with his hallmark of careful empirical research. In this interview given to Parvathi Menon in Bangalore, the Japanese scholar speaks on his recent work, the state of historical research in universities and government institutes in India, and his deep concern over the uncertain future of the discipline of epigraphy in India.

 

Professor Karashima, you have done path-breaking work on ancient and medieval south Indian history. You have also been part of the group of Indian and foreign social scientists who, since the mid-1960s, have nurtured and given academic shape to the broad discipline of what is called Tamil Studies, through publications, collaborations, and most notably, through the work of the International Association for Tamil Research. You recently quit as President of the IATR, citing your discomfort with its proximity to the political establishment in Tamil Nadu as one of your reasons. What do you think is the future of the IATR and Tamil Studies in general?

 

I have already clarified my thoughts and stand concerning the Tamil Conference and the IATR, in an article published in The Hindu on July 23, 2010, and have nothing more to say about it. Somebody had to sound the alarm about the IATR, which got entangled with local politics, and that is what I did. The reason for my resignation as its President is that I had no hope of reviving the IATR from within. In addition, there were the factors of my age and health. I hope its resurrection will be taken up by young and sincere Tamil scholars.

 

After the publication of your last book, Ancient to Medieval: South Indian Society in Transition, you and your collaborators have moved on to researching the religious history of the medieval period, and the role of mathas. What are your conclusions here, and do they fit in with your theory of economic change in medieval south India?

 

I wanted to relate the socio-economic changes that occurred in the 12th and 13th centuries to the contemporary religious movements, something I did not touch on in my recent book. For that purpose, I organised a project on the study of inscriptions with references to mathas, called "Medieval Religious Movements in South India: Study of Matha Inscriptions," with my colleagues Y. Subbarayalu, P. Shanmugam and others.

There were two religious traditions which caused the development of matha activities in the Tamil country, and I will explain them briefly.

 

The first was the Bhakti movement of the period from the 7th to 10th centuries, which is attested to by the recitation of Devaram hymns and Tirumurai in mathas of the 11th century and after. The second is the North Indian Brahmanical tradition brought by the influx of Saiva ascetics to the Tamil country during the 11th and 12th centuries, which is shown by the appointment of those Brahmana ascetics as rajagurus by Rajaraja I and Rajendra I.

These two traditions merged when the people of the lower social sections, such as cultivators, merchants, artisans, [members of the] hill tribes and soldiers, who had increased their power during the 12th century, also joined in matha activities in the 13th century, as our study of the inscriptions indicate. Their activities are spread all over the Tamil country. Sivananabodam, written in Tamil by Meykandar, a Vellalla ascetic, in the 13th century, is the hallmark of this fusion of the two traditions and the establishment of South Indian Saivasiddhantism in the 13th century.

 

Thus, we can say that the social change that occurred in the Tamil country during the 12th and 13th centuries, which I have clarified in my recent book, was well related to the religious movement too.

 

There is a great deal of published historical work on ancient and medieval south Indian history. How would you describe the state of research into the history of the late-17th and 18th centuries, when with the onset of colonialism the region experienced considerable economic and social turbulence?

 

I should say that it is still insufficient and unsatisfactory. There is not enough work that goes into the source material properly. There are lots of new ideas around which history is written, but we need to reconstruct history more substantially by studying the sources.

 

Past studies on the period emphasised the point that British colonial rule devastated the Indian economy entirely, but recently many scholars have begun to argue that the Indian economy continued to develop during the 18th and 19th centuries also.

 

This issue should be studied from the angle of the Asian economy, particularly its commercial development, and its relationship to British imperialism and global history.

The most important thing is to study historical change based on material showing domestic conditions, and not only from the Portuguese, Dutch or British trade records. In that sense, recent studies of my colleagues, H. Kotani who examined Maratha documents on the watan system; T. Mizushima and H. Yanagisawa, who studied economic change by analysing British land settlement, are very significant. If we continue such studies, we may be able to get a clear idea on the economic conditions of the 18th century.

 

Why do you think the 18th century is a neglected period? Is it because of the difficulties in reading source material, or because of a waning interest in history?

 

I think that in general there is deterioration in the quality of historical studies in the universities in the south. When I first came in 1961 and joined the Department of Ancient Indian History and Archaeology [of the University of Madras], scholars like K.A. Nilakanta Sastri and N. Venkataramanayya had done some very substantial work studying inscriptions and literary sources. I would also like to make the point that while the Dravidian movement in Tamil Nadu was historically very important and socially progressive, especially their view that the caste system needed to be changed, it unfortunately had an anti-intellectual tendency. The situation was something like what took place in China during the Cultural Revolution, a movement that may have been historically necessary to some extent, but did great damage to academics.

 

What about the government research institutes?

 

I think they suffer even more, and I don't know why. I think not enough attention is being paid to them. The Director General of the Archaeological Survey of India used to be an archaeologist. But for an interim period of several years, IAS officers took the place of the DG and they did not have any knowledge of archaeology itself. A similar thing happened in the State departments of archaeology too. Of epigraphy IAS officers did not know anything, and as a consequence the Epigraphical Office has suffered. For a considerable period until recently there was no recruitment of new epigraphists in the office. When I first went to Ooty in 1962 to the Epigraphical Office, the atmosphere was active and intellectually dynamic. Dr. K.V. Ramesh, Dr. B.R. Gopal (he is no more) and Dr. S.H. Rithi were young epigraphy assistants who subsequently did very good work. Now that atmosphere has been lost, as there has not been any encouragement for epigraphists for a long time. Unless the knowledge of epigraphy develops, no ancient or medieval history of this country can be studied. These days most scholars, Indian and foreign, depend on summaries of the inscriptions that appear in the annual reports. They therefore don't go into the material.

 

What do you think can be done to encourage epigraphy?

 

We have to start a system of contracting work to outside epigraphists to work on the inscriptions. Fortunately this has happened recently. The Tamil University came forward to help in digitalising the impressions (rubbings) preserved in the Mysore Epigraphy Office of the ASI and I appreciate the decision taken by the ASI and the Tamil University. Two new epigraphists were appointed recently in the Mysore office. I can only hope the situation will gradually improve.

 

And if not?

If not, the study of ancient history will die in this country! I am not saying this lightly at all, and am very afraid of this happening. We are really at a critical stage, I should say. If this happens, history will be built only on the basis of ideas and theory, and not on substantial work based on historical sources.

 

Related post:-

The apex body for Tamil Research is happy for keeping away from Coimbatore Tamil Conference

 

Wednesday, August 4, 2010

“Moriyar" in Sangam texts refers to Mongolians? (World Tamil Conference series 17)




Two papers presented in the Tamil Conference highlighted the presence of Tamil words in Korean language and Mongolian language.


On Korean language:-

http://www.nakkheeran.in/users/TamilClassicalConference.aspx?TCC=111


On Mongolian language:-

http://www.nakkheeran.in/users/TamilClassicalConference.aspx?TCC=113


The expeditions of the Tamil kings in Southeast Asia had contributed to the spread of Hindu culture, temples and Tamil words to the regions including Korea.


But Mongolia is a far off place on the other side of the Himalayas that it intrigues any researcher as to how the Tamil words are found in the language of the Mongols.


The following link analyses the similarity in Dravidian and Mongolian languages.

http://bafsudralam.blogspot.com/2009/12/dravidian-and-mongolian.html


Of interest to us is the Tamil word 'tikiri' (திகிரி), which means circle, a round substance or a wheel (உருளை , சக்கரம் ) pronounced as 'toguri' in Mongol having the same meaning!

This word 'thikiri' is associated with a people called "Moriyar" who cut through the snow- clad mountains to bring their 'thikiri' to the regions of the South to crush the people of 'Mogoor'.


This incident is revealed in 4 places in the Sangam texts - at one verse in Purananuru and at 3 verses in Aka-nanuru.

Some scholars have analyzed these verses and arrived at a conclusion that the Moriyar were Mauruyas of the Magadha kingdom.


They came to the South at the request of Kosars, by making way a pathway in the mountain to bring their 'Thikiri' and fought with the rulers of Mogoor.

This Mogoor is near the Pandyan Capital of Madurai. (a vaishnavite divya desam temple is here).


The Kosars were from the areas of Kongu naadu as the texts speak of them as 'Kongu - ilam - Kosar' (the youthful Kosars of Kongu region).


There are two discrepancies in this conclusion. One is that Mogoor being close to Madurai and had been in war very often with the adjacent Cheran kingdom ( as per Sangam texts) how did the Mauryas gain access to this place in the heart of Tamil lands without inviting opposition form the Tamil kings. The Tamil kings had fought among themselves, but when an external threat was sensed, they had joined together to keep off that threat.


The second issue is the description of cutting a mountain so that their 'thikiri' could roll down smoothly. This description does not fit the topography of Mogoor. Which mountain was cut by the Mauryas to bring their thikiri rolled chariots or vehicles?

It is a long way to come from Magadha kingdom to come to Mogoor.


However some scholars have proposed some explanation leading to the above conclusion.


Their conclusion is wrong as two out of the 4 verses on Moriyar clearly state that they had cut across the snow-clad mountains!

This refers to Himalayas only.


The verse from Purananuru is more descriptive of the land beyond this mountain.

Verse 175 of Purananuru says that if one goes through this path way cut by the Moriyar and reach the other side, one will come to the land where the "Adhitya mandalam" meaning the sun, staying all through the day and night in the sky.


This refers to the region beyond 60 degrees of Northern latitudes.


The poet Aatthirayanaar (ஆத்திரையனார் ) confirms again (that he is indeed speaking about a Northern latitude where the sun stays in the sky all the time that there is no difference between day and night time (in summer) ) by comparing the King Aathanungan (ஆதனுங்கன் ) as one who does not differentiate between day and night when it comes to protecting his people.

வென்வேல்

விண்பொரு நெடுங்குடைக் கொடித்தேர் மோரியர்
திண்கதிர்த் திகிரி திரிதரக் குறைத்த
உலக இடைகழி அறைவாய் நிலைஇய
மலர்வாய் மண்டிலத் தன்ன, நாளும்
பலர்புரவு எதிர்ந்த அறத்துறை நின்னே.


The commentary retrieved from palm leafs by Dr U.Ve.Sa runs thus:-


"வென்றி வேலை உடைய விசும்பைத் தோயும் நெடிய குடையினையும், கொடி அணிந்த தேரினையும் உடைய, நிலமுழுதும் ஆண்ட வேந்தரது திண்ணிய ஆர் சூழ்ந்த சக்கரம் இயங்குதற்குக் குறைக்கப்பட்ட வெள்ளி மலைக்கு அப்பாலாகிய உலகத்திற்குக் கழியும் இடைகழியாகிய அற்றவாயின்கண் தேவர்களால் நிறுத்தப்பட்டு இரு பொழுதும் ஒரு பெற்றியே நிலை பெற்று விளங்கும் பரந்த இடத்தை உடைய ஆதித்ய மணடலத்தை ஒப்ப, நாள்தோறும இரவு பகல் என்னாமல் பலரையும் காத்தலை ஏற்றுக் கொண்டு ஒரு பெற்றியே விளங்கிய அறத்த்துறையாகிய நின்னை "



It says that the mighty king having the victory - giving spear and a sky-high Umbrella, cut the silvery mountain to make way for the wheels of his chariot to run. Going beyond this silvery mountain through the way he has made, one comes to a world where the sun always stays in the sky thereby making no difference to day and night. My king is also like that sun as he does not differentiate between the day and night and protect his subjects at all times.


These unknown commentators of the undated past also mention the Moriyar as "Chakkaravaalach chakkaravarthikal". (சக்கரவாளச் சக்கரவர்த்திகள் ).


In Tamil lexicon, Chakkravaalam (சக்கரவாளம் ) refers to a mountain range encircling the earth that is situated at the foot hill of the Mount Meru. The North pole is referred to as the peak of Mount Meru.


The foot hills of Meru called as Chakkarvaalam comes somewhere in the present day Russia (Siberia) and northern parts of present day Mongolia.


This description also suits the North European latitude. In that case, the Moriyar must have come through the Northwest part of the Himalayas. This invasion by Moriyar can also refer to the invasion by Alexander. But his route does not cut through the Himalayan passes. Alexander did cross a mountain but that was in the Middle East and not in the snow clad mountains. So the probability points towards a movement through the north or north eastern Himalayas.


http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Transasia_trade_routes_1stC_CE_gr2.png


When we analyze the other verses, we arrive at a possibility of the Moriyar coming through Nathu la pass on the Chinese side.


This is a main mountain route which is part of the ancient Silk route.


The Mongols had always tried to control the Silk route.


Their location in the distant past had been to the north of China and bordering Siberia.

The Great Wall of China was built over a period to safe guard their territory from the Mongols.



The Moriyar were mentioned with a prefix – 'vamba' as vamba Moriyar – the Moriyar who were mischievous.

The Mauryas who ruled from Pataliputhra were not called with such a demeaning term.


There had been cordial relationship with the Mauryas.


The pot ware found in Rameshwaram is connected to Mauryan kingdom showing regular contact with Mauryans as early as the Ashokan times.


Pataliputhra finds favorable mention in Sangam texts.

Pataliputhra was associated with riches and gold.


In Kurunthogai 75, we find the heroine telling the messenger that she would gift him Pataliputhra of abundant gold, situated near river Sone, for having brought the happy news of the return of her lover.

சோணை படியும்
பொன்மலி பாடலி பெறீஇயர்
யார்வாய்க் கேட்டனை காதலர் வரவே.



The Nanda kings also find mention in Akananuru along with Patalipuaram in Akanauru 265.

பல்புகழ் நிறைந்த வெல்போர் நந்தர்

சீர்மிகு பாடலிக் குழீஇக், கங்கை

நீர்முதற் கரந்த நிதியம் கொல்லோ?



Perumkathai 1-58 glorifies the goldsmiths of Pataliputhra.

Paatalip pirantha pasum pon vinaingyarum



Thus we find that Mauryas were in the good books of Tamils.

The richness of their capital at Patna had attracted the Tamils.

In the verse in Akananuru, the hero had gone to the far – off lands to do business and fetch money.

Pataliputhra must have been the major stop over on his (their) way to the Northern lands.



Akananuru verse 69 is about the non appearance of the hero for a long time. He had gone through the path way made by the Moriyar on the mountains.


That is a long way. It would time for him to finish business and come back home. The friend consoles the heroine by saying like this.

"விண்பொரு நெடுங்குடை இயல்தேர் மோரியர்

பொன்புனை திகிரி திரிதர குறைத்த

அறைஇறந்து அகன்றனர் ஆயினும், எனையதூஉம்


This verse tells about the Moriyar in the context of expressing the pathway taken by the hero.


That pathway was made by the Moriyar by cutting and making way for the "thikiri" ( wheels of the chariots) to run.


Another verse (281) of Akananuru makes an explicit mention about the snow clad mountain as the one that the Moriyar crossed by cutting a way through.


கனைகுரல் இசைக்கும் விரைசெல் கடுங்கணை

முரண்மிகு வடுகர் முன்னுற, மோரியர்

தென்திசை மாதிரம் முன்னிய வரவிற்கு

விண்ணுற ஓங்கிய பனிஇருங் குன்றத்து,

எண்கதிர்த் திகிரி உருளிய குறைத்த

அறைஇறந்து, அவரோ சென்றனர்


This verse is also a consolation offered by the friend to the heroine who is worried about the delay in the return of her man.


He had not just gone to some place; he had gone to the lands by crossing the pathway made by the Moriyar on the snow-clad mountains. It would take time to come from there, so be calm –says the friend.


Here also the tough feat of making the path for their wheels (thikiri) to roll is mentioned.

Additional information is that the Moriyar had come to the southern direction with the Vadugar (Norrthies) leading them.


This expression had confused the scholars making them assume that the North Indians had come to the South of India with Moriyar by making pathway on the mountains. But we can not ignore the mention of "pani irum kundram" (பனி இரும் குன்றம் ) – the snowy mountain.


In another verse (251) of Akananuru, we find the mention of Mogoor. This verse seems to make confusion.

வெல்கொடித்

துனைகால் அன்ன புனைதேர்க் கோசர்

தொல்மூ தாலத்து அரும்பணைப் பொதியில்,

இன்இசை முரசம் கடிப்பிகுத்து இரங்கத்,

தெம்முனை சிதைத்த ஞான்றை; மோகூர்

பணியா மையின், பகைதலை வந்த

மாகெழு தானை வம்ப மோரியர்

புனைதேர் நேமி உருளிய குறைத்த

இலங்குவெள் அருவிய அறைவாய் உம்பர்,


This says that the Moriyar came to Mogoor to help the Kosar.


The regular reference to their wheel (given as 'nemi' in this verse) coming through the pathway made in the mountains is there.


But the reference to Pothiyil does make one to connect Mogoor to the Tamil land near Pothigai mountain.


In my opinion, since we can not brush off the reference to the snowy mountain where the pathway was laid and the land beyond the mountain referring to Northern latitudes, the above verse with a reference to Pothigai must have been a case of mistaken identity.

The poet however refers to this incidence at a distant past (தொல்மூதாலத்து)

The information on Moriyar could well be a widely circulated story of their strength in making a pathway in the mountain – this incident is repeatedly recalled in all the 4 verses. But only in this verse the connection to Tamilnadu is found.


It could well be that the Kosars and Mogoor of the North India were mistaken for the Kosars and Mogoor of Tamilnadu.


Nowhere in Tamil tests, the exact fight between the Moriyar and the king of Mogoor is recorded.

But war on Mogoor is mentioned in 2 places in Pathitruppatthu verses 44 and 49 (பதிற்றுப்பத்து ).

The Cheran king, Senkuttuvan also known as Kadal pirakkottiya Senkuttuvan (கடல் பிறக்கோட்டிய செங்குட்டுவன் ) –

the king who dedicated a temple for Kannagi vanquished the king Pazhayan of Mogoor.

His victory over Mogoor is praised in the Sangam texts.



Mogoor was under the rulership of Velir kings, the migrated Dwarakans.

They had their immediate enemies surrounding them always.

It is difficult to believe how the Cherans and Pandyans allowed Moriyar to reach this part in their neighborhood.


Even if the Moriyar made a solo expedition, that could not have happened without some understanding with the Cheran or Pandyan king who were strong in that region.


The Kosars were also part of migrated Dwarakans.


The Tamil Kings would have been happy to find both Mogoor and Kosar vanquished than to allow one overpower the other with the help of an outside force.


My opinion is that the names, Mogoor and Kosar must have been associated with the expedition of the Moriyar.


The legend of the Moriyar cutting a pathway on the mountain might have become a local legend in Tamilnadu who would have instantly found a connection to Mogoor and Kosar.


When we look for these names in North Indian chronicles or in areas beyond the Himalayas, we do get some connection with Mongols for Moriyar, Kosar for the Kosar tribes of Newars of Nepal.


The Mongol King Modu Chanyu known as Modun or Maodun (sounds like Moriyar

- மங்கோலியர் - in Tamil) who ruled Mongolia between 209 BCE to 174 BCE had been a terrible king.


http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Modu_Chanyu


He expanded his kingdom upto Siberia in the North and the Silk Route in the south.


The Silk route passes through Nathu la pass in the Himalayas.


He had been a terror figure in those days and launched 26 war campaigns to conquer 26 kingdoms, and became greatly feared widely throughout Asia.


The Kosars of Nepal were rationally engaged in robbery. ("Account of the Kingdom of Nepal" Page 356 by Francis Buchanan Hamilton, published in 1995. In 'Nepal Antiquary" by the Office of the Nepal-Antiquary (published in 1974)


Mogoor might refer to a region in the south of the Himalayan foot hills near Nepal. It is probable that the Kosars, the robbers were driven out by the Mogoors and in retaliation, the Kosars sought help from Maodun.


Maodun (Modu Chanya) might have crossed the Himalayas through Nathu la pass by laying a road there for his troops to move.


Later that road would have come to be used by people as part of the Silk route.


The other side of this pathway takes one to the Northern latitudes where the sun never sets in summer, which was recalled in the Puranauru verse.


All the Akananuru verses speak about the Tamil men crossing this pathway made by the Moriyar.

The Tamils of yore had been known for going to far off lands to make money.

"Thirai kadalodiyum diraviyam thedu" (திரை கடலோடியும் திரவியம் தேடு ) is the popular adage in Tamil.



The mention of Pataliputra in Sangam verses show the contact with that place.

From Pataliputhra, if one goes further north, the pathway across the Himalayas can be reached.


The Tamil men had gone through that route in the past and brought with them the story of the Moriyar who had made the pathway.

They also brought to the information on the strange lands beyond that pathway where there was no difference between the day and the night with the sun being fixed in the sky all the time.



This background information from Sangam texts also show what the Tamils could have gifted to those far-off regions.

It is their language and materials sold there.


With these men spending months together in such foreign lands – in Mongolia and China, there is no wonder that some Tamil words had found way into the language of the Mongols.

Mongol language also has some Telugu and Kannada words.

The reason is not difficult to seek.

All these people had wandered to those lands for business.

The route is a very popular one for centuries before the Common Era.

Any future excavation in Mongolia or China might show connections to Tamils.

Let us not attribute it to a non existent Dravidian connection.



Sangam texts give more authentic explanation for all that connection and many more about Tamils' past than what Dravidian politicians wish to cull out from the Indus valley through innocent and non-suspecting scholars of the IVC.


Its time Tamils understand that the true history of their rich past is to be found in Sangam texts and not in the Indus valley.


Tuesday, August 3, 2010

The Cocks in Indus seal and the Cock-city in Tamilnadu. (World Tamil Conference series 16)

In his paper analyzing the Indus signs, Dr Iravadham Mahadevan arrives at the Tamil words 'akam' and 'puram' for certain signs. In this context he has arrived at the meaning "ruined city of the cock" for the Indus seal of 2 cocks and a symbol (for city) and a bull (found in Mohenjadaro)

http://www.thehindu.com/multimedia/archive/00151/Dr_Iravatham_Mahade_151204a.pdf


He connects it to the Cholan Capital Urayur (உறையூர் ) which was called as "Kozhi" ( கோழி ) in olden days, meaning cock. He however concedes that the name of this city is derived from a legend of a cock confronting an elephant.

On reading his paper, I thought that are more issues to be looked into before connecting the name Kozhi of Urayaur to the Indus language (symbol)


There is also a place in the South, right at the heart of the settlements of the migrated Dwarakans having the name Kozhi (cock) connected to it. That place is Kozhi-kode or Kozhikkodu, currently known as Calicut. Mr K.V. Krishna Iyer, the historian, has deduced the meaning of this name as "koyil + kodu" – koyil means the 'palace' and Kodu means 'Fortified' – a fortified palace. Why didn't Mr Mahadevan include this place for analysis as this also corresponds to his version?


Kozhikkodu can also be explained as this: -

Kozhi is cock and kodu in Tamil means "neerk karai" - நீர்க் கரை (by the side of waters) or "pirai mathi" பிறை மதி (crescent moon) among other meanings. These two meanings are suitable for this coastal city. From Dr Mahadevan's analysis, the crescent moon in the Indus seal stands for "puram" or "outside". This place is outside the main land. So Kozhikkode fulfils the meaning of the Indus seal given by Dr Mahadevan. This place is part of the cluster where the migrated Dwarakans settled down. From the account of Nacchinaarkkiniyar, they had moved up to Pothiyil mountains where in later days Aai Andiran became the famous king.


These areas are now in Kerala. The word Kozhi often occurs in the names of other birds of kerala.

There is a 'Kula kozhi' that looks like a partridge and found in Periyar lake.

There is a 'Chera kozhi', a kind of kite found in Kerala.

Another bird with a metallic bronze colored back and wings is known as 'Taamra Kozhi' or 'Bronze cock.

There is yet another species known as 'Kalan kozhi' which is found in Kerala.


I don't want to arrive at a conclusion that all these varieties of Kozhi have their origin in Indus Valley. These species are special to this part of India. The name Kozhi also seems to be derived from a meaning associated with Kozhi The term "kozh" (கோழ் ) means slippery, well- built, fatty etc. (வழ வழப்பான, செழிப்பான , கொழுப்பான ). Perhaps the word Kozhi was derived from Kozh.


The Cholan Capital "Kozhi" ( Urayaur) does not have the Indus connection. It had been a citadel of the Cholas right from their beginnings. Urayaur is mentioned in Ashokan edicts. Kozhi was its previous name. So this name must have been there centuries before the Common Era.


The Cholas had a well documented lineage from its founder King Chola varman who was a descendant of King Sibi of Ikshvaku dynasty. The copper plates found at Thiruvalankaadu inscribed in the 6th year of rulership of Rajendra Chola –I give the list of kings in the lineage of Cholas.


They came in the branch of Ikshvaku dynasty of Rama. When we compare the Ikshvaku dynasty of Rama as found in Valimiki Ramayana and the cholan lineage given in the copper plates, we find that they have had the same ancestry until Mandhatha. After him a diversion had taken place. Valimiki's narration seems to list down the names of the eldest ones to the throne in which Rama appears. King Sibi seems to come in the lineage of the younger sibling.


From the inscriptions, the lineage of the Cholas goes thus:-

http://www.whatisindia.com/inscriptions/south_indian_inscriptions/volume_3/no_205b_aditya_ii_karikala.html#_ftn25

After Mandhatha, the Chola lineage goes like this.

Muchukunda

Vallabha

Prithulaksha

Parthivachudamani

Dirghabahu

Chandrajit

Sankriti

Panchapa

Satyavrata

Rudrajit

Sibi

Marutta

Dushyanta

Bharata

Cholavarman (Founder of Chola dynasty)

Rajakesarivarman

Parakesarin

Chitraratha

Chitrasva

Chitradhanvan (who brought Kavery river)


This King Chitradhanvan desired to bring the river Kaveri trapped in the mountains just like how Bhageeratha brought the Ganges. (verse 35). And he did bring it to his kingdom.


Urayaur is situated on the banks of Kaveri. There is every likelihood that the Cholas had guarded the lands on the course of the river Kavery as theirs.


In the starting point at Kodagu, sage Agasthya has had his domination. The verse on a ruler called 'Aruvanthai''(அருவந்தை )' by the poet Kalladanaar (கல்லாடனார் ) in Purananuru (385) praising his philanthropy and the bounties of Kavery on him might well be about a kingdom at and around Brahmagiri hills where Kavery starts. His name also sounds with the "Aruvaalargal" (அருவாளர்கள் ) that Agasthya brought from Dwaraka (as per Nachinaarkiniyar). The sage had probably settled the Aruvaalar near his area to discourage any disturbance to them as they could be from the lower strata of the society. The other two groups, the 18 kings and 18 Velir groups might perhaps be higher ranking people.



Barring the upper stretches of Kavery, the other areas on its course might have been under the control of the Cholas.

What is needed for this article is the information that the Cholan kingdom had existed thousands of years ago when the river Kaveri was not flowing. Brushing aside such information given in the inscriptions, we can not say that the Indus people of just 3500 years ago came to the Cholan land of Urayur, lent the name to that place and came to be called as Tamils.


They had come – Dr Mahadevan accepts Nacchinnarkiniyar version of Dwarakan migration. There are other related versions also. The main version is the lapse of 49 generations before the King Irungovel. That exactly puts the time of migration with the end of Indus civilization at 1500 BC. But Tamilnadu had been brimming with people already at that time who were speaking Tamil.


Coming to the name Kozhi for urayur, the Pripadal thirattu (பரிபாடல் திரட்டு ) verse on Madurai (verse 7) mentions Kozhi. It says that the people of Madurai woke up to the sound of veda mantras unlike the people of Kozhi (Cholan capital) and Vanji (Cheran capital) who were woken up by the crowing of the cock.


The first deduction from this is that Vedic chanting and vedic worship had been there in Madurai at the time when Urayaur was known as Kozhi. I don't know how the people harping on Aryan invasion and Vedic civilization as succeeding Indus civilization would explain the vedic worship at Madurai.


The name-cause for Kozhi is found in Silappadhikaaram.

"முறஞ்செவி வாரணம் முன் சமம் முறுக்கிய

புறஞ்சிறை வாரணம் புக்கனர் "

(chapter 10 –verse 247-8)


Writing the commentary for this, Arumpatha uraiyaasiriyar (அரும்பத உரையாசிரியர் ) says:-

" யானையைக் கோழி முருக்கலால் கோழி என்று பெயராயிற்று . யானையைச் சயித்த கோழி தோன்றினவிடம் வலியுடைத்தென்று கருதி , அவ்விடத்து அதன் பெயராலே சோழன் ஊர் காண்கின்ற பொழுது , சிறையும் கழுத்துமாக ஆக்கியவதனால் புறம்பே சிறையையுடைய கோழி என்றாயிற்று "

(sirai – wings)



Writing on the same verse, commentator says Adiyaarkku nallaar (அடியார்க்கு நல்லார் ) says:-

"வாரணம் – கோழி , ஆவது உறையூர் . முற்காலத்து ஒரு கோழி யானையைப் போர் தொலைத்தலான் அந்நிலத்தில் செய்த நகர்க்குக் கோழி என்பது பெயராயிற்று "


Both have given the same version of a cock winning an elephant in an unknown past in that place. Since a unique feat of a cock winning en elephant happened in that place, the Cholan king, when he decided to have it as his capital - named if after the cock that has wings on its sides, says Arumpatha uraiyaasiriyar.

This version of cock and elephant seems to be the case of a cock fight!


Cock fights were not new to Tamil lands.

In Kurum thogai, (குறும் தொகை ) Sangam text, there comes a version of cock fight between the cocks on garbage. The poet who wrote that poem was known by that cock fight – as Kuppaik kozhiyaar (குப்பைக் கோழியார் ) The poet's original name is not known.


In verse 305, it is said that the thalaivi (heroine) suffered from the pangs of pain of separation from her lover. The pain was not caused by others and can not be cured by others. It was like the fight between the 'Kuppai kozhikal" – the fight between the cocks that were searching food from the wastes. There was none to prompt them to fight and none to separate them in time. Similarly the heroine was suffering from a pain which was not induced by others nor solved by others.


"குப்பைக் கோழி தனிப் போர் போல

விளிவாங்கு விளியி னல்லது

களைவோரிலை யான் உற்ற நோவே "


Here the poet makes a hidden note of sandaik kozhi (cocks in fight)

When the cock fights are organized ones, there are people who make the cocks enter a fight and also separate them whenever they wish to stop it.

The fight between the cocks on the mounds of wastes is not similar to that fight.

From this it is known that cock fights had been popular in olden Tamil lands.



The cocks were groomed for such fights. Such cocks used to be ferocious. The instance of an elephant being threatened by a cock might well be about a fighter cock jumping in ferocity that made an elephant run away from that place. This seems to be a possible explanation for the cock versus elephant fight that led to the popularity of the cock and the place where it was seen. Perhaps Urayur in those days had people who groomed cocks for fighting.


Cock-fight in Patiala

Cock fighting was a pastime in most agrarian societies. It was popular in Thanjavur, the Cholan capital in later years. It came at the time of Harvest festival (Pongal) in those days. Cock fights were popular in Kerala also. It is popular in most parts of Indian subcontinent including Pakistan. Punjab and Kashmir also are known for having this cock fight as a game.



The Indus seal looks more like a seal on cock fight and bull fight. Both cock fights and bull fights are popular with pastoral and agrarian societies. The images of the cocks resemble high- breed varieties, if we go by the Samudrika lakshna of Varahamihira. The shape of the neck of the cocks in this seal and the straight shape of the wings of the tail show that they were well groomed cocks. (chapter 63 on 'Features of the cock', Brihad samhitha).



The bull also looks like a ferocious one, trained for bull fights. The cocks are seen as a pair whereas the bull is single. This seal may perhaps be about the cock fight and bull fight. The bull is alone - may be because the fighter at the other end is not another bull but a man.


Tracing this logic of cock fight to pre- IVC period, there had been cock-fights in Mahabharata and Ramayana times.

Cock-fight is one of the 64 arts.


It is the 43rd art known as "mes-kukkuta-lavaka-yuddha-vidhi: – art of knowing the mode of fighting of lambs, cocks and birds.


The womenfolk were said to be good at this art. The gaNikas (courtesans) of Royal court since the times of Ramayana were trained in these 64 arts including the cock fights, goat- fights and bird-fights. Sage Rishyashringa was brought to the kingdom of Romapada by these courtesans. Because of his arrival, it rained in his kingdom. This sage later conducted the Putra kameshti yajna for the sake of Dasharatha as a result of which Rama and his brothers were born.

Radha, the Gopika also is said to have mastered all these arts.


Thus the cock fight seems to be pre-date IVC times.

Any search into India's past history will not yield correct results if we disregard Mahabharata events. Indus areas give us the proof of existence of a people because those areas were abandoned for long and undisturbed since the abandonment.


The same culture that continues to be prevalent in the rest of India would not give old records such as the IVC because of the ever continuing habitation in all these places.


So it is not right to look at IVC and build theories independent of the previous history and the continuity that is seen everywhere in India.


The immediate previous history of IVC was the story of Mahabharata and Krishna. As we have seen in previous posts in this series, Krishna had traveled to various parts of India. People from the south and other parts have moved to every other region of India.


All the pastimes, habits and culture had got mixed so well or spread to every other place as a result.


The cock fights and bull fights were there everywhere having a pastoral and agricultural background.


It can also be argued that the migrated Dwarakans introduced cock fights to Tamil lands.


The name, Kozhikkodu could have been their gift, but Kozhi (Urayaur) is certainly not connected to such influence. The naming had been done by the Cholan king, but the cock fights might have been popular in that place much before.


If the Dwarakans were responsible for bringing the cock-fight to the Tamil lands, that in no way alters my contention that Tamils were different from the Dwarakans. Dr Mahadevan himself concedes that the migrated people were the Dwarakans. The Tamil loan words to the IVC had been a mystery to all these researchers. But then Tamil has found a place in a very far away country too. The Mongols have many Tamil words in their vocabulary. How that could be explained might perhaps lend a clue to the language issue of the IVC.


We will discuss the Mongol - mystery in the next post in this series.