Thursday, March 15, 2012

Vedic ‘Kurma’ excavated near Sriperumpudur.


A significant discovery of a structure of boulders arranged in the form of a tortoise was found in an elevated region near a lake in a place called Vadamangalam near Sriperumbudur, near Chennai. The significance of this discovery is that it was dated at 1000 BCE.


(Coutesy: TOI)

The researchers are of the opinion that this could have been a memorial for the deceased "to honour the dead". But they could not find any human remains. In fact what they found was a 35 metres long and 20 metres wide structure in the shape of a tortoise. But what they explain for the shell part of the tortoise can have a different application.

They think that it was like a sarcophagus but also admit that the structure with its surrounding slabs look like a Vedic altar. They found another smaller structure like this inside which an earthen pot with a chisel was found. Some pots in this region had grains and one had some liquid. Their contention is that it was some primitive tribal people having the knowledge of astronomy. This shows that the researchers are under the influence of Western thought and Stonehenges and not tuned to Hindu practices that are continuing from an undated past.


I wish to bring to the notice of the readers and scholars that all these do offer proof for the continuing Vedic culture in this part of the country besides authenticating the information from the Tamil texts connected to this place.


First of all this is not a memorial. A tortoise is always associated with Kurma avatara and not burials. Kurma is one of the early avataras of Vishnu which is nothing but a symbolism for the way the earth is held stable. In the Kurma avatara Vishnu is seen as the basic support in the form of a giant tortoise upon which the mountain of Meru was churned. The churning is nothing  but the rotation of the earth in its axis due to which the subterranean material is churned and expelled. When that happens on the land, earthquake occurs. So the worship of Kurma is intended to pray that the land on which we reside does not disturb us. This rationale still continues in Kathmandu, where one can find pillars erected on a base having the form of a tortoise. (pic below)



http://www.ecs.com.np/living_category.php?category=7&id=300


Our land of Bharat itself was thought to have been supported by Kurma. A separate chapter on Kurma chakra has been given by Varahamihira in Brihad samhita showing us that until 2000 years ago, the people held this belief and also showed it in their life where possible. The division of the land was as shown in the picture below.



The Saraswathy basin was considered as the shell region of the tortoise. The Vedics and descendants of Manu who were settled on the banks of the Saraswathy had held that Vishnu as Kurma was supporting them. That region is characterised as Madhya desa by Varahamihira. It also had Matsya desa, the land of early settlers (Manu) who were saved by Mathsya Vishnu as Fish), when their early habitat was flooded. For more details refer my old article at http://jayasreesaranathan.blogspot.in/2012/02/who-is-dravida-mr-karunanidhi.html


Any spread of Kurma principle as the support base must have originated from this Madhya Desa where Saraswathy flowed once. This background information is needed to understand the Kurma or tortoise formation found in Vada Mangalam near Chennai. Because wherever the Saraswathy people had spread, there they have made their presence shown by the tortoise base. For example the Deepa-sthambha in many temples in the west coast region of South India where saraswathy Brahmins were settled have tortoise as the base. In other words, the deepa sthambha which signifies 'light' was built on an altar that was supported by Kurma. This fulfils the basic principle of the Kurma chakra that Kurma supports the land and gives light of hope for survival to the people.


As far as I know, tracing from Kollur, this tortoise base is seen down the South. The Kollur Mookambika temple is dedicated to Durga or the trinity of the Devis. But that it has a deepa sthamba supported by Vishnu Kurma is indicative of a belief system of the Saraswathy region that Kurma supports life.


 

The pillar on the right side of the above picture is the Deepa-sthamba (pillar of light) at Kollur, that is supported by Kurma. Pillars like this have a regular pattern with elephant situated on top. The elephant can be seen in the picture. The elephant might signify the Dik Gajas – Directional elephants.


Similar pillar with Kurma- base can be seen in front of Udupi Krishna. Yet another pillar I know of is found in Vadakku Nathan temple in Kerala.



The above pillar from Kerala gives an idea about how the central structure had been made. A similar structure, though bigger in size had a central box like cavity held in place by stuffing the surrounding gaps. A central structure or a pillar or a mantap must have been constructed on that. Another look at the excavated site shows how central structures could have been made like above.


To get a better idea of the central box like basement inside the shell, let us take a look from a top angle of the Kollur Kurma base. 



The concept of Kurma as base for pillars of light or pillars that support houses has spread to other parts of the world even as early as the 14th century. A Buddhist temple in Korea has a similar feature that was built in 14-15 the century CE. 



http://san-shin.net/Doseon-guksa.html


A similar kind of Kurma base for a pillar was installed in the year 1716 in Vietnam. (pic below)


The same concept was used in a temple in Spain which is not yet completed.


http://myitchyfingers.wordpress.com/2011/09/


 

The concept in all these is the same – as support base for a super structure. This idea must have travelled from India to other places - from Hindu thought to other systems of belief. Such being the continuing Thought on Kurma, one must not rush to a conclusion that the excavated Kurma in Vada Mangalam was a memorial for the dead!

Now let me come to the other major features tracing the identity of the people who had lived in the region of the excavated site. The excavated site was not an area peopled by primitive nature  but an advanced culture even as early as 3500 BP. Before explaining that, let me go step by step.


First of all, the name of the place tells a background. This place is called Vadamangalam, meaning Northern Mangalam. (Sounds similar to Vadakkunathan of Kerala!!).

Mangalam was a common name for settlements of Brahmins of four Vedas. There were many Chathurvedi – Mangalams created by kings where a temple was established around which Brahmins well versed in four Vedas were settled. It also had a well planned settlement of all the other sections of the society. A town by name Vada Mangalam shows that there was a Then-Mangalam – Southern Mangalam also in the vicinity. And this Vada mangalam could in all probability be a Chathurvedi Mangalam. The famous and old Vishnu temples in and around this region shows a possibility of Vadamangalam being a Chathurvedi Mangalam.


The discovery of this structure near a pond goes well with the name Mangalam. A pond or a tank is a usual feature near a temple. The so-called 'memorials' had pots with grains and liquid below the region. This goes well with Vastu worship before starting the construction. Even now most of the houses in Tamilnadu are constructed with Vastu puja which requires the positioning of pots and vessels filled with grains, gems and other things in the pit where the basement structure has to be made. For temples, the buried items are many and elaborate. A Kurma feature suggests that a temple had existed there and the Kurma could have formed the basis for a super structure such as a pillar.

The central box structure resembling a Vedic altar confirms that this was indeed a feature associated with a temple. The chisel found in a pot buried under the tortoise takes us to the next level of understanding which takes us to a period before 1900 years.


A discernible history for this site dates back to 1900 years BP when the Cholan king Karikalan worshiped at Saththan temple in Kancheepuram, then known as Kacchi and got a weapon called "Chendu" from that deity. He went to the Himalayas after that and used this weapon to chisel the image of Tiger, the Cholan emblem on the Himalayas.  This weapon that was used for chiselling the mountain rock perhaps signifies the early period when stone cutting and stone-working was happening in Tamil lands. The absence of stone inscriptions and stone based temples prior to 2000 years BP can be attributed to the yet-to-develop art of stone cutting.


The Tamil lands as at the time of Silappdhikaram (1800 years BP) did not have natives experienced in stone works and metal works. The description of Indra festival at Pumpukaar shows that there existed 2 divisions of the city with one situated near the coast and another a little inward. The coastal division was called as "Maru vur paakkam" giving the meaning that it was the region for the people of Maru vur (other places). The other division was called as Pattina-p paakkam (township) which describes the activities of the natives and the location of Indra festival.  The Maru Vur paakkam was described as having foreigners, traders from outside and many artisans including those who worked on stones and metals.

This shows that stone workers were not native to Tamil lands of that time. Corroboratory information can be quoted of stone workers and gold smiths having been given some rights in the Kongu region. The rights included the right to wear slippers, construct two storeys for their houses, to paint their houses and to decorate the front part of their house with flowers. This information is used by Dravidian chauvinists saying that the earlier denial of right was a suppression of their castes. But a reading of their status as migrated people shows that they were granted many rights by the kings treating them as natives in course of time.


The information that I want to highlight is that stone cutting was new to Tamil lands. The fact that Karikalan had taken a cutting weapon from Kanchipuram shows that such weapons were available in Kanchipuram or that stone cutters were settled in that region only which was called as Thondai mandalam. Since the stone cutters were not natives of Tamil lands, it gives the opinion that people who occupied Kanchipuram and Thondai nadu about 2000 years ago were migrated people who had knowledge of cutting or chiselling stones. Of all the things that are usually found in pots excavated in many sites in India, the discovery of Chisel in a pot in a region known for cutting stones proves the story of Karikalan getting a chisel from Kanchipuram.


This region of Thondai mandalam was not a Tamil region but came under the control of Karikal Chola by driving out the then existing people called Kurumbar, according to the Wiki pedia article. I have not yet personally come across such an information in my searches, but am of the opinion that one section of the people brought from Dwaraka by sage Agasthya to Tamil lands about 3500 years ago were settled in this region. One reason for my reasoning is that this place Kanchipuram was known as 'Kacchi" and not Kanchi in early write-ups. Kacchi sounds close to "Kaccha Mandala" which was the name that Katch in Gujarat was known in olden times. This name is found mentioned in Skanda Purana. There is every chance for Kanchipuram to be called as Kacchi, if the people from Kaccha Mandala had settled there for the first time.


The Aruvalars were the artisan class that Agasthya brought from Dwaraka. There was a Aruva naadu on the west coast region near the starting point of river Kaveri. A mention of this is found in Puranauru, a sangam age text. There is a place called Aralvaay mozhi which was earlier known as Aruva mozhi in the Kanya kumari district. These are settlements of  migrated labour. Inscriptions to the effect that they were given rights like natives are found in Aralvaay mozhi. Similarly Aruvalar people had settled in Kanchipuram and this happened as 3500 years ago as per evidence from literary works in Tamil.


The excavated ones dated at 3000 years ago confirm the existence of these people at that time. They were not primitives, but artisans who once had very good times in the Katch region when Indus culture was flourishing there. The term Aruvalar  has the word Aruval, which means 'sickle'. Perhaps these people were engaged in cutting works using iron weapons. Their origin from Dwaraka goes well with Kurma structures also. The Kurma structure also goes well with these people, because they were also known as Kurumba or Kuruma

http://www.kurumans.com/history.aspx

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kurumbar

 

Kuruma seems to be a corruption of Kurma in the light of excavation of Kurma structure there. These people originally from the Kutch region must have had their previous origins in Saraswathy culture with the worship of Kurma. That this region had connection to the saraswathy region people or the Velirs and others of Dwaraka is confirmed by another fact that Athondai who established his kingdom in this region called back the displaced Velirs. With them Vishnu cult, stone works (by building temples) and Vedic teaching and learning picked up in Kancheepuram by gaining fame as "Nagareshu Kanchi".The first appearance of stone temples in these regions (Pallava period) also confirm the presence of these people in this region.


To put in a nutshell, the excavation of Kurma structure confirms the settlements of Aruvalar or Kurumbar as early as 3000 years ago. They were the migrants from Dwaraka region –  a mixture of artisans- who once had a good time in Indus economy. But with the submergence of Bet Dwaraka about 3500 years ago which saw a downfall of the Indus culture –which Max muller and others described as a handiwork of invading Aryans – these people had migrated to the region which later came to be called as Thondai nadu. Their core region of settlement was Kacchi. Like any migrant who would relive old memories, they have named it after Kaccha mandala from where they came. Their life and works were around stone works and perhaps cattle rearing also.


They were driven out of this region during the reign of Karikal Cholan about 1900 years ago. From then onwards their life ran into struggle as they must have faced discrimination from the natives wherever they settled.


 Later on, this excavated region could have been made a Chathur Vedi Mangalam from whence the present name Vada Mangalam could have come into use. So in my opinion, further excavation near the site could throw more light on the stone cutting Aruvalar people. The presence of Chisel in a pot is indicative of their traditional job and offers the reason for why Karikala went there for getting a weapon to chisel his emblem on the rock of Himalayas. Some fine instruments for cutting stones must have been possessed by the people of Kacchi then, from whom Karikalan had got the 'Chendu'. What we are seeing in the rocks of the Kurma is a work on stone by these people.


***********************

From

http://epaper.timesofindia.com/Default/Scripting/ArticleWin.asp?From=Archive&Source=Page&Skin=TOINEW&BaseHref=TOICH/2012/03/12&PageLabel=5&EntityId=Ar00501&ViewMode=HTML

 

Vedic-era rock memorials found near city

D Madhavan TNN


Sriperumbudur: For thousands of years, history remained buried under boulders near a lake in Sriperumbudur. That changed recently when a team of archaeologists excavated the site after finding signs of human activity including marks that appeared to have been made by stone tools.
    The archaeologists discovered that the boulders were a chain of animal-shaped memorials from the early Iron Age, dating back to around 1,000 BC. On Saturday, a team of experts from the Archaeological Survey of India visited the site and took samples as evidence .


    The discovery was made on an elevated part of a lake in Vadamangalam near Sriperumbudur. The biggest of the memorials is a tortoise-shaped monument around 35 metres long and 20 metres wide.


    The archaeologists also found several other memorials in animal forms and unearthed buried pots a few hundred metres from the tortoise-shaped monument. One of the buried pots contained a part of a corroded cleaver, a chisel and three smaller pots containing grains and another pot with some liquid. Pot burials, the archaeologists said, are common across ancient cultures that believed in life after death. The objects are placed with the body so the person could use them in the "next world".


    "The presence of iron tools was not unexpected because last year we discovered a large iron smelting unit at Balanallur, some 4 km from here. What excited us were the animal shaped memorials," said geoarchaeologist S Rama Krishna Pisipaty. Archaeologists said the findings are the first evidence of animal-shaped memorials dating back to Iron Age in the country. Memorials from this period discovered earlier were human-shaped or stone circles. Most of the memorials are tortoise and reptile-shaped, exhibiting the influence of later Vedic period. The later Vedic period was succeeded by Early Iron Age.


 The memorials could also have been built for the leader of a tribe, the archaeologists said.
As the area has been extensively used by the sand mining industry, the ASI last week erected a board declaring the site as a monument of national importance under the Ancient Monuments and Archaeological Sites and Remains Act of 1958 and 2010.


   

**************

From

 

http://ibnlive.in.com/news/the-turtle-that-survived-the-sand-miners/238304-60.html

South India | Updated Mar 13, 2012 at 11:54am IST

The turtle that survived the sand miners

 

At first glance, it is difficult to believe that the heap of weathered and uneven stones can be likened to a turtle, whichever way you look at it. "The aerial view will do it full justice," smiles Dr Rama Krishna Pisipaty understandingly. "Try imagining how the head and tail of a turtle look and then look at it again," he urges. Slowly, the idea sinks in and the heap does begin to look like a huge, reptilian turtle.


When Dr Pisipaty first got to this hill two years ago, on the banks of the Vadamangalam village lake, it was a mass of overgrown weeds and weathered rocks. "ASI had listed it as a potential heritage site in the late 60s but the locals and miners hadn't really treated it with any regard till last month,'" he laments. The evidence points to the Early Iron Age, which dates back almost 3,000 years.
With a team of research scholars from SCSVMV University, where Pisipaty is a professor and geoarchaeologist, he began the dig on February 15 after scouring the area and marking likely spots. "We couldn't use crowbars and shovels because the professor said that it could damage the findings inside," reveals Paneerselvam, a villager who assisted with the excavation. "After we removed the layer of red soil on top, we used small picks and hand brushed the rest out carefully. It was a lot of work," he sighs, but pride prevails.


It paid off - this is the first time in recorded history that a memorial formation shaped like a turtle has been documented, he says. The biggest finding of the five Cairn memorials (rock formation arranged without cement) is obviously the 24-metre long turtle memorial, whose shell is made up of 21 boulders stacked together.


"Inside the shell, we found a earthen sarcophagus surrounded with four haematite stones - almost like a Vedic fire altar. Around this there were flat, cut Cudappah stones laid like a platform on the bedrock," he relates. As there were no human remains found, this must have been more of a memorial than a tomb, he surmises. "In fact no human remains have been found in any of the excavated sites, which makes us believe that this must have been some memorial-ground for the deceased. Rather intriguingly, both the haematite and Cudappah stones are not native to the region. This led Pisipaty to believe that they were brought from a distance to "honour the dead" and shaped with Iron Age chisels and tools.


Evidence was found in a smaller memorial, where a chisel and some jars were unearthed. Offering bowls and sarcophagi have been shifted to the University while the stone formations alone remain. This tied in nicely with a metal workshop that he excavated in nearby Palnellur, some years ago. "This was clearly a learned civilization that had knowledge of astronomy and primitive sciences, despite looking and living like some tribal clan," he figures. All the tombs have been aligned along the North-West axis and are believed to have astronomical significance, he adds.


Walking around, there are some deep pits that look like ravines. He shrugs it off with a grimace, "There have been people mining even here for sand and stone. Almost 70 per cent of this site has been destroyed thanks to this, but there is still plenty left," he brightens up.


What if it rains? "The ASI will have to protect this turtle and the other structures, now that they are exposed to the elements," he states wistfully. "There is lots of studying to be done to date the era and understand the culture, but most of it had broken and decomposed," he says ruefully.
But this will just serve as a push for more excavation to see what else Vadamangalam holds for the diminutive archaeologist.

 

 

 

 

Saturday, March 10, 2012

Were Brahmins bad? – a sequel to Karunanidhi’s hate-Brahmin speech. (Part-4)




Brahmins were not treated with any undue favours even in the times of kings. A Brahmin was expected to fulfill very high standards of morality and set an example for others. When he failed to do that, he had to pay the price for it. He was expected to undertake only 6 kinds of activities, failing which he was considered as a degraded Brahmin in the Tamil society. The six activities are studying or recitation, teaching, doing Homas, doing homas for others, giving gifts and accepting gifts. (ஓதல், ஓதுவித்தல், வேட்டல், வேட்பித்தல், ஈதல், ஏற்றல்). All these 6 came with a strict retribution when not done properly. When a Brahmin abandoned or went away from any of these duties, he was not accepted by the society. Many Brahmins became degraded in this way and had to seek a job for living.

One prominent example is seen in Agananuru. A Brahmin had given up doing Homas and therefore not considered for other activities of a Brahmin. He started doing shell cutting for a living. (1) Yet another instance of degraded Brahmins is told in Silappadhikaram who failed to adhere to the traditional activities of a Brahmin. (1) The mistake that these Brahmins did was to have taken interest in 'Vari-p-paattu' or singing and therefore could not be considered for the other activities of Brahmins such as teaching, conducting homas or taking gifts. These Brahmins lived outside the town as a group. This shows that such Brahmins were not given accommodation in the Brahmin areas (Agrahara) and not allowed in other activities of the Brahmins.

More than all these, a damaging observation is made by the author of Silappadhikaram that the entourage of Kovalan did not want to stay in the vicinity of these Brahmins and therefore stayed in the area near a temple away from them. (2) It is common talk by the Dravidian leaders to put the blame on Brahmins for the "historic" harassment and abandonment of other castes in spite of absence of any evidence of such a deed by the Brahmins. But the Dravidian leader who extols himself as an expert in Kannagi's story, does not want to acknowledge that an instance of degraded Brahmins, just because they had taken up singing was recorded in Silappadhikaram. That degradation was not imposed by fellow Brahmins. The entire society had treated them as degraded and untouchable too – something we get to know from Adiyaarkku nallar's commentary. (3)

These incidents make hollow the complaint of the Dravidian Chauvinists that it was Brahmins who imposed strictures on other sections of the society. No single section held the power to pass such strictures. It was a collective decision of the community at large and / or the King's order – be it a stricture on a Brahmin or another.

That this system of discipline continued until recently can be made out from a pillar inscription in a temple in Nandavaram in Karnool district. In an incident cited this inscription, the village community had interfered in the personal affairs of the Brahmin families and denied them the right to be in the Agrahara and carry out Vedic rites. The mistake they did was that they had demanded dowry for the marriage of their girls. They were reinstated only after they gave an undertaking that they would not demand dowry. The inscription, dated at Saka 1492 "records the resolution of the Vidwa Mahajanas of Nandavaram on the occasion when the Agrahara was restored to them and they were reinstated in it by the authorities that they would take up the study of Vedas and  sastras and would abstain from levying dowries for marrying of girls in their community". (4)

Marriage is a personal affair within a family. What a family is doing in the marriage of their girl, is well within their rights. But this incidence shows that Brahmins were not allowed to behave as they wished even in matters pertaining to their family. Taking dowry or giving dowry for marriage of the girl was not considered as a virtue for a Brahmin. When a Brahmin slipped from that virtue he was penalized. The community around him did not leave that as an internal matter, but wanted him to stand by that virtue. Inspite of this being the state of affairs in the country particularly South India in the past, the Dravidian zealots are spreading canards against the Brahmins that they harmed the other communities by their Manuvadi theories.

The imposition of punishment like the one given in Nandavaram was not a Manuvadi theory but one aimed at discouraging such practices then and in future generations of Brahmins. Brahmins had never seen money unless given by others. But the ruling and trading classes had always flaunted their riches. Within the same society, one section of it namely the Brahmins were witness to the material growth of others but were not expected earn and enjoy the same like others. Their income depended on what others gave them. And not all Brahmins were given gifts and endowments. Only the best among them who were experts in religious discourses received the donations. Moreover with the fall of monarchy and lack of patrons, life became difficult for the Brahmins. This must have resulted in the rise of demand for dowry in the community.

We see yet another instance like the one above, recorded during the reign of a local king called Shambuvaraya in Thondai naadu which was under the control of the Cholan king. The region was a "padai veedu" (படை வீடு) a place where the Cholan army men were posted on duty for keeping vigil on that area. The inscription is about the Brahmins living there who were Kannadigas, Tamilians, Telugus and Ilaalaas. They had demanded dowry from the groom for marrying the girl. The inscription says that this was against Brahmin-hood and the Brahmins must stop this practice. If not, they would get the wrath of the King. The inscription was signed by Asesha Vidwa Maha janas. (5)

This inscription shows that
·         People speaking different languages have coexisted.
·         The common thread among them was their identity as Brahmins.
·         Brahmins speaking different languages have had marital alliances among themselves.
·         Dowry was given by the groom for marrying the girl and not the other way round as it is prevalent now in many communities.
·         Though signed by a committee, it was done under the Royal stamp of authority. This tells the real picture of the olden times that the King had an all pervading presence.

One of the accusations of the Dravidian leaders is that Brahmins held the power to dictate terms and influenced the kings which they did for suppressing the other castes. The above 2 instances show that Brahmins could not even have a say in the affairs of their own families. The how could they have dictated terms on others' families?

Another interesting feature known from the Padai Veedu inscription is that the Brahmin taking dowry was said to lose "Brahmaneeyam" or Brahmin-hood ("பிராமணீயத்துக்கும் புறம்பாகக் கடவர்"). This word Brahmaneeyam was an obsession with Karunanidhi. He and his predecessors called it as 'Paarppaneeyam" without any idea of what Paarppaneeyam means. From the inscription, it is known that Brahmaneeyam stands for high standards of morality in personal life. Since the Brahmin was ordained to impart education and conduct the worshiping rituals in the temple, he must behave as one without any blemishes and be a role model for others. Unless he follows the tenets of morality, he cannot inspire others to follow those tenets. That is why the society had behaved like a watch dog and had been very strict with him. This is contrary to what the Dravidian leaders are saying – that the Brahmin imposed strict rules on other castes.

The preaching and following of morality had continued for all times in the past and comes to be known from the records of the British period. An Austrian traveler Phillip Wesdin, who toured India between 1776 and 1789 had written  in his book 'Voyages to the East Indies '(Published, Rome, 1796, Berlin, 1798, England, 1880), has written many instances pertaining to this in his book. To quote an instance,

"..the youth who are destined to be Brahmanas must spend 10 years within the precincts of the temple at Trichur and avoid all intercourse with female sex. They are obliged also to observe the strictest silence which continues for 5 years. This is the first degree of philosophy". (6)

The same kind of restriction on Brahmin students were continuing for all times in the past as we find a similar stipulation for the students (sattar / சட்டர்) in the inscription found in the Vishnu temple in Parthivasekhara puram during the reign of Kokkaru Nanthadakkan of the 9th century CE. (7)

There is misconception on what "Sattar" means, based on which a section of people blame Brahmin sattars as those who passed strict rules on other castes in the past. Sattam in Tamil means law and hence they think that Sattars were the ones who imposed the "Manuvadi" discrimination on others. But in a situation where the King's writ was supreme and Village committees were active even as early as the 10th century, no individual person could have had his say on the people. This term 'sattar' is found in the Ennaayiram Ur kalvettu of Rajendra Chola –I. In that the Sattars were mentioned as unmarried Brahmins who were students of sastras. (8). The bachelor students of sastras were called as Sattars. The strict rule on celibacy during the time of studies of the Sattar testifies this.   

An average Brahmin studied the Vedas and moral preaching in the Gurukul. Only a few attended ordinary schools where other subjects were taught and where people from all sections of the society studied. In the Collector's report pertaining to Tamil areas during the period 1822 to 25, Brahmins constituted only 13% in South Arcot and 23% in Madras and 30% in Salem in these schools. In higher learning (Colleges) Brahmins studied Theology, metaphysics, ethics and law (Dharma sastras). They did not enter into fields like astronomy (Jyothisha related) and medicine. The report from Malabar for the same period showed that there were only 78 Brahmin students studying astronomy of the total enrolment of 808. Similarly 31 Brahmin students studied medicine out of 194 students. (9)

For the Brahmin, morality was a way of life (Brahminhood) and also a subject to taught. This was evident even as late as the 18th century. The Brahmin teacher had touched upon moral preaching in every possible way. Some of the verses he had taken up for discussion and debate among the students show how moral sensibilities were inculcated in the students. In the words of Phillip Wesdin (quoted above)

"These verses serve not only as examples of the manner in which the words must be combined with each other, but contain, at the same time, most excellent moral maxims, which are thus im­printed in the minds of the young people as if in play; so that, while learning the language, they are taught rules proper for forming their character, and directing their future conduct in life. That the reader may be better enabled to conceive some idea of the morality of the Brahmans, I shall here subjoin a specimen of these sentences.
I. What is the use of study, if the object of it be not to learn knowledge and fear, which is true wisdom?

II. Why have we ceased living in the forests, and associated ourselves in cities and towns, if the object of our doing so be not to enjoy friendship; to do good mutually to each other, and to receive in our habitations the stranger and wanderer?

III. The wounds occasioned by a slanderous tongue occasion far more pain, and are much more difficult to be healed, than those which proceed from fire and the sword.

IV. Of what use is it to thee to shut the door of thy house? It is necessary in order that thy wife may learn to be upon her guard.

V. He who revenges an injury enjoys a pleasure which endures only a day; but he who forgives receives a satisfaction which will accompany him through life.


VI. Modesty becomes every one, but is a particular ornament to the learned and rich.

VII. The state of a married pair, who never deviate from the path of honour, virtue, and mutual duty, is as difficult as that of those who impose on themselves the several penances".

Every issue mentioned above has relevance for all people and at all times. The teacher Brahmin who was under strict vigilance by the society, retained these moral values and passed on to subsequent generations. These issues formed the core of Brahmaneeyam.  Sensing the importance of this, the first evangelist of the Christian Faith, Roberto de Nobili set up his camp in Madurai – of all the places in India – and projected himself as a Brahmin Christian to induce the people to embrace Christianity. (10) What he started continues even today in incarnations as "sadhu" Christians and mimicking Brahmin values (Brrahmaneeyam) and terminologies common among Brahmins in their evangelical preachings. If Brahminhood is bad and condemnable, can this trend continue even now?

(To be continued)


References:-
(1)    "வேளாப் பார்ப்பான் வாளரந்துமித்த வளை களைந்து ஒழிந்த கொழுந்தின் அன்ன" Agananuru -24
(2)    " வரி நவில் மறை நூல் வழுக்கத்துப் புரி நூல் மார்பர் உறைபதி சேர்ந்து" Silappadhikaram, chapter 13 – lines 39 & 40.
(3)    "புக்கென்னாது சேர்ந்தென்றதனால், அந்தப் பார்ப்பார் இழுக்கிய ஒழுக்கமுடைமை தமது சாவக நோன்புக்கேலாமையின், ஊர்க்கயலதோர் நகரிற் கோயிற்பக்கத்தில் சேர்ந்தாரென்க." (அடியார்க்கு நல்லார் உரை)
(4)    Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy, 1913-5 ; p.10, No 4
(5)    S.S.I., Vol I, No 56. ("Thamizaga-k kalaikalum, kalvettgalum" by  Maa. Rajamanickanaar. Page 213.
" இற்றை நாள் முதலாக இந்தப் படை வீட்டு ராஜ்யத்துப் பிராமணரில் கன்னடியர், தமிழர், தெலுங்கர், இலாளர் முதலான அசேஷ கோத்ரத்து அசேஷ சூத்திரத்தில் அசேஷ சாகையிலவர்களும் விவாகம் பண்ணுமிடத்துக் கன்னியாதானமாக விவாகம் பண்ணக் கடவராகவும், கன்னியாதானம் பண்ணாமல் பொன் வாங்கிப் பெண் கொடுத்தால், பொன் கொடுத்து விவாகம் பண்ணினால், ராஜ தூஷணத்துக்கு உட்பட்டுப் பிராமணீயத்துக்கும் புறம்பாகக் கடவர் என்று பண்ணின தர்ம ஸ்தாபன சமய பத்திரம்; இப்படிக்கு அசேஷ வித்வ மஹாஜனங்கள் எழுத்து".
(6)    "The beautiful Tree" Vol III, by Dharampal
(7)    Travancore Archeological series Vol 1
(8)    T.A.S., Vol I No 6
(9)    "The beautiful Tree" Vol III, by Dharampal

Wednesday, March 7, 2012

Were Brahmins bad? – a sequel to Karunanidhi’s hate-Brahmin speech. (Part -3)




The second fact from the 2nd episode described in the previous part is about the name Vaarthikan. This is not a personal name but a title that one gets when one excels in giving commentary to Vedantha. It was one of the main occupations of Brahmins until western education replaced traditional education. Vaarthikan of Thiru-th-thangaal received his own town and Vayalur as a kind of compensation for the wrong done to him. There is evidence of another Vaarthikan living in Trichy region, having received land gifts from the Cholan king. This Vaarthikan was engaged in giving discourses on Vaarthikam (in this context the Pradeepaka Vaarthikam for Bhagavadpaadheeyam). In order to enable him to continue this service, he was given land endowments by the Town committee (பெருங்குறி சபை) during the reign of Veera Rajendra Chola (1063-70) (1). This is found in the inscription in Kailasanatha temple at Chozhamaadevi in Trichy. The purpose of the grant was not just a token of appreciation but also to enable him to continue the teaching services to others. This shows that Vaarthikan of Thiru-th-thangaal also could have used the benefits he received for spreading education.


The same temple has another evidence of a Brahmin having been given land grants by the Town committee for his service in giving discourses and for Bhatta Vriddhi. The Bhatta vriddhi enabled him to procure oil for lamps and materials for worshiping rituals of the temple without any hindrance. (2). This was given in the period of King Rajendar Chola –I (1012 to 1044)

Gifting lands was not a special favour to Brahmins alone. Vriddhis were given to various classes of people. To cite an example from an inscription found in Agastheeswaram in Kanyakumari district (1438 AD), those engaged in medical profession were given "salliya vriddhi". Potters were given "Kulaala Vriddhi". (3) The returns from the gifted lands were used for improving the professions they were engaged in. In the case of Brahmins, the income from the lands helped them to support the pupils who stayed with him for studies. A misconception may arise here that education meant here was only Vedic education which means only the Brahmin community was benefited by these grants. That it is not so is known from other sources.

Though a Vaarthikan was engaged in Vaarthikam, he had imparted general education to others. We do find evidence of Vaaththis imparting education to the children in the village where they lived. During the Cholan period the school teachers were called as Vaaththis. (4) They were the Brahmins who taught the student in the front verandah of their homes called as 'Thinnai' schools. Vaarthikan came to be known as Vaarthee or Vaaththi in course of time. In modern times this name got transformed into "vaadhiyaar". There is an opinion that Vaadhyar came from Upaadhyaya of Sanskrit. But it has its roots in Vaarthi which is also a derivative from Sanskrit.

One of the main accusations of the Dravidian Chauvinists is that Brahmins denied other castes access to education and they only grabbed all the chances for education for thousands of years.
It is blatantly wrong to say that Brahmins usurped the chances of education of the people because, the Brahmins were teachers and not students. This can be substantiated from the sangam texts. The Brahmin poets were less in number compared to others who have contributed to the sangam literature. This shows that they have trained the students from different castes in writing poetry and enabled them to deliver them in a learned forum like the Sangam Assemblage but  not competed with them in the presenting their poems.  In the Tamil lexicon, we come across a term called "Kulapathy" – a title given to a teacher who has taught 1000 students! This shows the level of literacy and awareness on education. Only one sangam poem was attributed to one Kulapathy NakkaNNanaar of Kidangil. (5). NakkaNNan is a Brahmin name. The 'na' prefix is added as a respect. His original name was Kannan which is common among Brahmins.

It is also wrong to say that Brahmins imposed Sanskrit education and taught only Vedas. According to Tholkaappiyam there were 6 types of Brahmins (6) and all of them were engaged in teaching besides their Vedic duties. Writing on these 6 types, Naccinarkkinyar says that both Sanskrit based and Tamil based education was imparted. There was a broad classification into Sanskrit and Tamil learning. Three types of Brahmins were engaged in teaching Sanskrit and three were engaged in teaching Tamil.  The 3 categories of Sanskrit and Tamil teaching were known as head, middle and end. (முதல், இடை, கடை)  (7) Grammar formed the head of learning, literature and Dharma sastras the middle and other books formed the end level of learning. Thus there were three categories of Sanskrit teaching and three categories of Tamil teaching of head, middle and end level of study material.

This shows that not all Brahmins were knowledgeable in Sanskrit and Vedas. Some Brahmins were skilled in specific fields of Sanskrit and Vedas and some others in Tamil and its literature. The coexistence of Sanskrit and Tamil can thus be traced back to the times when Tholkppaaiyam was written. This discounts the theory of Dravidian Chauvinists that Brahmins were migrants and not natives of Tamilnadu. Unless they were native speakers of Tamil, Brahmins could not have come to possess the expertise in Tamil and be engaged in teaching Tamil of three categories as a hereditary occupation even as early as Tholkaappiyar's times. 

Did the Brahmins discriminate among the students is that next question. There was no discrimination among the castes for access to learning. Though Vedic learning was confined Brahmins in agraharas, teaching of Tamil and other branches of studies was available to everyone. In the beginning of his commentary to Tholkaappiyam,  Nacchinarkkiniyar gives a list of those who were eligible to be taught and those who were not eligible.

Those who are eligible to be taught are 6, namely one's own son, teacher's son, king's son, the one who gives money, the one who worships and the one who is keen to learn. (8)
Those who are not eligible to be taught are 8, namely a lazy one, the one in the grip of passion, the one who tells falsehood, the one who is always thinking of sex, the robber, the one who suffers from serious diseases, the one who cannot control anger and the one who does not have a steady mind (9). Thus we will see that there was no restriction on students on the basis of caste or varna. The restriction was with reference to attitudes and temperament.

That no discrimination existed against any caste can be made known from a Sangam poem written by none other than a King! A Pandyan king who won over the territories in North India (Arya vartha) thereby earning a Title "Aryap padai kadantha Nedunmsezhiyan" had written on how a learned person from even the 4th varna was respected. He has said that among the 4 varnas having differences among themselves, a person form the higher varna would bow before the one belonging to a lower varna if he is educated. Therefore it is imperative that a person gets education even if it means helping one or spending money (10).

This view expressed by this king shows that
·         the Dravidian chauvinists were wrong in their perception that Aryans imposed the varna system. This king himself got the title of having conquered the Aryan warriors (of Aryavratha). He has made a reference to the 4 varnas. If the varna system was imposed by Aryans or the people of Aryavartha, this king who conquered the Aryan kings could have in no time eliminated the varna system. That he didn't do so shows that varna system was indigenous to Tamil lands.
·         the varna system was not a barrier to education.
·         the educated one from the any varna was respected. As teachers who imparted education, the Brahmins were held in esteem.
·         If a person was honored, the reason was not his caste or varna, but it was due to the merit he carried.

Tholkaappiyar himself has written about the existence of the varnas in Tamil lands. Varna system in Tamil lands  was not a borrowed or an imposed one by the "Aryans". The Tamil society had its own system of varnas which were not just 4 but 7 in number. (11) In addition to the 4 varnas, there were astrologers (அறிவன்), sages (தாபதர்) and 'porunar' (பொருநர்) (those who were warriors and wrestlers) according to Tholkaappiyam (12). 

Importance of education was felt by all people irrespective of their background. The Dravidian propaganda that Brahmins did not allow lower varnas to get education was wrong. Infact without Brahmins no education was possible in those days. The Kings had made provisions for education through grants to teaching Brahmins. The Vriddhi or lands given to learned persons from the Brahmin community was not only a reward for their excellence but also to enable them to promote education. The Brahmins considered it a sin to collect fee for teaching. So there arose a need to give them gifts as compensation. Due to these reasons, the gifts were made by the kings to learned Brahmins. This educational system sustained by these Brahmins continued till the British occupied our lands. This can be read from the report of the Collector of Bellary, A.D Campbell submitted in the year 1825. (13)

" There is no doubt that in former times, especially under the Hindoo Governments very large grants, both in money, and in land, were issued for the support of learning. Considerable Yeomiahs, or grants of money, now paid to Bramins from my treasury, and many of the numerous and valuable Shotrium villages, now in the enjoyment of Bramins in this district, who receive one-fourth, one-third, one-half, two-thirds, and sometimes the whole, of their annual revenue, may, I think, be traced to this source. Though it did not consist with the dignity of learning to receive from her votaries hire; it has always in India been deemed the duty of Government to evince to her the highest respect, and to grant to her those emoluments which she could not, consistently with her character receive from other sources; the grants issued by former governments, on such occasions, contained, therefore, no unbecoming stipulations on conditions. They all purport to flow from the free bounty of the ruling power, merely to aid the maintenance of some holy or learned man, or to secure his prayers for the state. But they were almost universally granted to learned or religious persons, who maintained a school for one or more of the sciences, and taught therein gratuitously; and though not expressed in the deed itself, the duty of continuing such gratuitous instruction was certainly implied in all such grants.

The same situation had been reported in the Reports of British Collectors from other regions also. To cite another example,  the report of the Principal Collector of Malabar in 1823 shows that the teachers had never insisted on a regular and exorbitant fee but only received some presents at the end of the studies. The present also varied depending on the capacity of the student.
"The private teacher who gives lessons in Theology, Law, etc., does not receive any monthly or annual allowance but a present or compensation when the pupils leave him according to the circumstances and means of each." (13 a)

This is a solid proof of Brahmins continuing with teaching profession with a service motive until the first quarter of the 19th century. But things started deteriorating after the British took the reigns. This traditional system of education which was cheap and affordable was eroded because the common people, the labourer class were the most affected by the British policies. They lost their income and means of livelihood due to the British policies and were forced to migrate. This resulted in disturbing the education of their children. A decline in traditional schools and student enrolment occurred due to this. In a kind of self confession, this Collector of Bellary has said this in the following lines.

"I am sorry to state that this is ascribable to the gradual but general impoverishment of the country. The means of the manufacturing classes have been, of late years greatly dimin­ished, by the introduction of our own European manufactures, in lieu of the Indian cotton fabrics. The removal of many of our troops, from our own territories, to the distant frontiers of our newly subsidized allies, has also, of late years, affected the demand for grain, the transfer of the capital of the country, from the Native Governments, and their Officers, who liberally expended it in India, to Europeans, restricted by law from em­ploying it even temporarily in India, and daily draining it from the land, has likewise tended to this effect which has not been alleviated by a less rigid enforcement of the revenue due to the state. The greater part of the middling and lower classes of the people are now unable to defray the expenses incident upon the education of their offspring, while their necessities require the assistance of their children as soon as their tender limbs are capable of the smallest labour. (13 b)

This is a very valuable report that tells that the manufacturing class lost their means of livelihood due to the British policies. As a result they could not send their children to schools. The shocking part of it is that the children were required to do jobs to augment the income for the family. In one stroke, the British destroyed the means of livelihood of common people, the education of their children, besides forcing them into child labour. Within the first few decades of British rule, everything in our society was made topsy turvy. In this background what was the sin that the Brahmins did? Who denied education to the children of the  poor working class? What made the children start working with their nimble fingers right from their childhood?

One may ask what the Brahmins were doing with the gifts they received. Why didn't they continue to patronize the children in their Gurukul? If it is true that they did not expect remuneration for teaching, couldn't they have continued with the traditional teaching for these deprived children? The answer for these questions is fortunately recorded by this Collector of Bellary, for us to know what really happened.

The British came with a goal of plundering this country. Would they leave an opportunity to grab the lands that were with the Brahmins? They did grab them in the name of 'school fund' for the new type of education they introduced by replacing the traditional education. In the event of the death of the owner (Brahmin) of the land gifted to him by kings and village committees in olden times, the land was taken over by the British Government to create a "School fund" to bear the expenses of the new education system they introduced.  This is revealed in the report submitted by the Madras Collector, L.G.K. Murray  in 1825 in his action report taken on the initial report by the Collector of Bellary.

"The late Collector of Bellary having stated in his report that none of the institutions for education at present existing in that district derive support from the state added 'there is no doubt that in former times especially under the Hindoo Government very large grants both in money and in land were issued for the support of learning', and further stated his opinion that many of the Yeomiahs and Shrotriums now held by Bramins in the district may be traced to this source. No conditions he observed 'are stated in the grants issued by the former governments; they all purport to flow from the free bounty of the ruling power merely to aid the maintenance of some holy or learned man. But they were almost universally granted to learned or religious persons, who maintained schools for one or more of the Sciences and taught therein gratuitously; and though not expressed in the deed itself the duty of continuing such gratuitous instruction was certainly implied in all such grants.' It does not appear upon what grounds Mr Campbell founded his opinion so confidently that the implied condition of the grants referred to was the continuance of gratuitous instruction; but it seems not to be the result of particular investigation. Mr Campbell further suggested with the view of covering the expense of a general arrangement proposed by him in this report for the improvement of education that it might be provided that 'on the demise—of any persons now holding Yeomiahs or alienated lands a new enquiry be instituted and that though the same may have been continued for more than one genera­tion by the British Government it may be resumed and carried to a new fund to be termed, "the school fund", unless it is clearly stated in the body of the original grant to be hereditary, or the intention of the ruling power at the time to make such grant hereditary be clearly proved to the satisfaction of government.' The Board have little doubt that the resumption of lands now alienated, in the manner suggested by Mr Campbell would produce ample funds for the purpose contemplated but they conceive that the two objects in view, namely, the recovery of alienated lands, and the establishment of a fund for the support of schools should be kept entirely distinct and separate. The establishment of schools in every part of the country under any general plan should be regulated"  (13 c)

The Collector of Bellary suggested the formation of School fund with the money generated from the usurped lands of the Brahmins. But the Collector of Madras went a step further. While he readily agreed to take over of lands from the Brahmins, he had delinked them from the School Fund. Thus what was given by kings and philanthropists through the ages for the self sustenance of education at the grass root level was diverted away from that purpose by the British.

In this context a glaring fact is that the lands owned by the business class who formed the Dravidian movement were not in the picture at all. Their lands were not taken away for the "School fund".  Only the lands owned by Brahmins that they received for Bhatta Vriddhi (upkeep of temples) and for education were taken away. This at once destroyed the upkeep of temples and the education at the village level at once. If we search for any of the Dravidian leader who has lost his lands or possessions due to the British action, there is nothing to be seen like that. As told earlier, a nexus between the business / landlords and the rulers continued with the British too, with these Dravidian leaders forming an understanding with the British thereby protecting their interests.

The British had successfully impoverished the working class. They forced the children to quit school and be engaged as child laborers. As if to offer a remedy, they introduced schools for the children. On the supply side of education, Brahmins were still there in a position to educate children. But that was successfully thwarted by making them also destitutes by taking away their possessions that bore the stamp of authority by olden Tamil kings.  The old land deeds were not honoured and the lands were taken up by the British Government upon the death of the owner- Brahmin. This happened post 1825 AD.

Thus the continuing educational scenario of our country was disturbed and then disbanded by the British. They cleverly destroyed both the supply side and demand side of education (Brahmins and Children of working class). In the end both the sides were rendered landless and moneyless. There is ample evidence to show from the British records themselves that the Brahmins rendered free education to the poor. They did not demand money from the students but were content with what was given to them. The reports of British Collectors from different regions of South India paint the same picture. They have said that the number of traditional schools at that time was more in India compared to many other European countries, while the cost of education was much less – something unthinkable in the European countries.

The students  in traditional schools were not only taught the basic 3Rs but also other skills required for the jobs. From the account of the Collector of North Arcot, it is known that the students learned commerce, preparation of account statements, skills need for public offices like Karnam, village Shroff and merchants so that once they come out of school, they can take up some jobs and start making a living. (13 d) The scope for this was given by Brahmins and not taken away by Brahmins.

In the tsunami of the British hegemony, the Brahmins also lost their livelihood and traditional duties. They were also left to fend for themselves in a new scenario. If you notice, only the Brahmins and Shudras who form the extreme ends of the Varna system were left in the lurch. The landlords and the business men survived the British onslaught. But the affected ones were the Brahmins and the Shudras (poor and the landless).

Until the turn of start of the 20th century Brahmins could not relocate themselves. But when they started finding a venue for living for themselves, the Dravidian movement chipped in to chop them off. The data that Karunanidhi shows on Brahmin domination in Jobs, hardly covers a couple of decades. The exploitation that he cites hardly shows sufficient numbers to say that Brahmins did indeed grab all the opportunities in education and jobs. Even before a generation of disturbed Brahmins could settle in jobs, the Dravidian movement started spreading lies on Brahmin hegemony and exploitation.

Their biggest lie was that Brahmins have grabbed the chances of others in education and in jobs for thousands years, while the reality was that they were largely teachers who enabled others to make a living. Their religious background had incapacitated them to make any violent response against the hate campaign. Like Vaarthikan of Thiru-th-thangaal, they are being lashed because they continue to be soft targets. For the wrong done to Vaarthikan, the city of Madurai paid a price through Kannagi. Similarly a country and people which had become ungrateful to a community that had enlivened the education of the masses for a known period of 2000 years is suffering for the mistake of going after the Dravidian chauvinists.

The reality check does not end here. The Brahmins were never treated with a kid's glove even by the kings. Let us see those issues in the next post before knowing about the 3rd Brahmin of Silappadhikaram.

(to be continued)



References:-
(1)    "Thamizh naattuk kalvettukaL – 2004" page 19 & 20
(2)    "Thamizh naattuk kalvettukaL – 2004" page 21 & 22
(3)    "Kanyakumari maavatta-th tholliyal kaiyedu" page 37
(4)      "Thamizhakak  kalaikalum, kalvettukalum" by Maa. Rajamaanikaknaar, page 219.
(5)     Kurum thogai 252
(6)    Tholkaappiyam, Puraththinai iyal  74 "அறுவகைப் பட்ட பார்ப்பனப்பக்கமும்"
(7)    " ஆறு பார்ப்பியல் என்னாது வகை என்றதனான், அவை தலை, இடை, கடை என ஒன்று மும்மூன்றாய்ப் பதினெட்டாம் என்று கொள்க; அவை ஓதல், ஓதுவித்தல், வேட்டல், வேட்பித்தல், கொடுத்தல், கோடல் என ஆறாம் இருக்கும், எசுரும், சாமமும் இவை தலையாய ஓத்து. இவை வேள்வி முதலியவற்றை விதித்தலின் இலக்கணமுமாய், வியாகரணத்தான் ஆராயப்படுதலின் இலக்கியமும் ஆயின. அதர்வமும், ஆறங்கமும் தருமநூலும் இடையாய ஓத்து. இதிகாசமும் புராணமும் வேதத்துக்கு மாறுபடுவாரை மறுக்கும் உறழ்ச்சி நூலும், அவரவர் அதற்கு மாறுபடக் கூறும் நூல்களும் கடையாய ஓத்து. எழுத்து சொல்லும் பொருளும் ஆராய்ந்து இம்மைப்பயன் தருதலின், அகத்தியம் தொல்காப்பியம் முதலிய தமிழ் நூல்களும் இடையாய ஓத்து ஆம் என்று உணர்க. இவையெல்லாம் இலக்கணம். இராமாயணமும் பாரதமும் போல்வன இலக்கியம். இனி, தமிழ்ச் செய்யுட் கண்ணும் இறையனாரும் அகத்தியனாரும் மார்க்கண்டேயனாரும் வான்மீகனாரும் கவுதமனாரும் போல்வார் செய்தன தலையும், இடைச் சங்கத்தார் செய்தன இடையும், கடைச்சங்கத்தார் செய்தன கடையுமாகக் கொள்க."  (நச்சினார்க்கினியர்.)
(8)     "தன் மகன், ஆசான் மகனே, மன்மகன், பொருளணி கொடுப்போன், வழிபடுவோன், உரை கோளாளன்" (நச்சிஉரைதொல்காப்பியம் பாயிரம்)
(9)     "மடி, மானி, பொச்சப்பன், காமுகன், கள்வன், அடுநோய்ப் பிணியாளன், ஆறாச் சினத்தன், தடுமாறு நெஞ்சத்தவன் உள்ளிட்ட எண்மர் நெடுநூலைக் கற்கலாதார்." (நச்சிஉரைதொல்காப்பியம் பாயிரம்)
(10) "வேற்றுமை தெரிந்த நாற்பாலுள்ளும் கீழ்ப்பால் ஒருவன் கற்பின் மேற்பால் ஒருவனும் அவன் கட்படுமே" (பு-நா-183)
(11)Tholkaappiyam, Puraththinai iyal  74
"அறு வகைப் பட்ட பார்ப்பனப் பக்கமும்
ஐ வகை மரபின் அரசர் பக்கமும்
இரு மூன்று மரபின் ஏனோர் பக்கமும்
மறு இல் செய்தி மூ வகைக் காலமும்
நெறியின் ஆற்றிய அறிவன் தேயமும்
நால் இரு வழக்கின் தாபதப் பக்கமும்
பால் அறி மரபின் பொருநர் கண்ணும்
அனை நிலை வகையொடு ஆங்கு எழு வகையான்
தொகை நிலை பெற்றது என்மனார் புலவர்"
(12)"வாளானும், தோளானும் பொருதலிலும், வென்றி கூறலும்" (புறப்பொருள் வெண்பாமாலை உரை)
(13) (13 a) (13 b) (13 c) (13 d) "The beautiful Tree" Vol III, by Dharampal http://www.samanvaya.com/dharampal/