Thursday, December 6, 2012

Origin of Horse from India - Demolishing the Aryan Invasion theories by Premendra Priyadarshi

From


http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2012/12/origin-of-light-sivalensis-type-horse.html

Origin of the Light Sivalensis type Horse from India


Premendra Priyadarshi

October 18, 2012

Linguistic, archaeological and DNA Evidence favouring origin of some breeds of the Domestic Horse "Equus caballus" from India

"Equus sivalensis is the oldest true horse known, it has more highly specialised teeth than the Oreston and Newstead ponies. After Lydekker. Palaeontologia Indica, Ser. x. vol. ii." (Ewart 1911: 366)

Abstract:
Cognate words of the Sanskrit asva (PIE *akwa) are found in nine out of the ten branches the Indo-European family of languages, indicating that the original Indo-European homeland had horse. Although horse bones have been found from the archaeological remains of the Indus Valley Civilization, the oldest domesticated "true horse" bones too have been recovered from India from 8000 BP layer, and wild from 20,000 years back.

The DNA studies of horse shows that the Aryan-horse association is a myth, and that the horse was domesticated at many places. Archaeology shows that the Central Asians were late to use horse, say about 50 AD, and the Central Asian Bactria-Margiana-Archaeological Complex had no horse at all. Thus there was an archaeological disconnect between the Ukrainian and the South Asian horse domestications, meaning that horse was domesticated independently at the two places. This is consistent with the DNA findings.

The Indian sivalensis horse has survived as many modern breeds of horse, and the Arabic, the Thoroughbred of Europe and the Blood races have evolved from the sivalensis. There is a geographical population structuring of Indian horses, indicating that the Indian horses are indigenous and have not been imported.

The Light Race Horse of Indian Origin

Azzaroli (1985:94) noted that the Indian domestic caballus horse recovered from 1200 BCE horse burials at Katelai (Swat, India) belonged to the "eastern" breed which was different "from the Bronze and Iron Age horses of Eastern and Central Europe and recalls some horses from Etruscan tombs: presumably it belongs to some oriental strain."

The "eastern breed" certainly refers to the sivalensis horse (discussed elsewhere in this article). The Etruscan horses from Populonia and Castro from the first millennium BCE resemble the Swat horse and do not resemble the Bronze or Iron Age horse from north Italy and the rest of Europe as well as the Pleistocene horse of the same area (Azzaroli 1985:146).

Etruscan Horse teracotta Fig. 1 Etruscan teracotta Horse. Note the long neck and downward bent head, the features of Sivalensis type.

The sixth century BCE horse burials at Padova (Padua, north Italy) resemble the Swat burial in style (Azzaroli:137). This horse breed must have been brought by the Etruscans arriving to Italy from West Asia where it had in all probability arrived with some Indo-Aryan arrival to West Asia like the Mittani. This finding implied that the Indian horse had migrated to southern Europe from India. That this horse and chariot had not arrived to India from West Asia is made explicit by Azzaroli, who found that the Indian chariots were different from the West Asian ones (ibid). The Swat petroglyph chariots are same in style as that of Central Asia and the steppe.

Thus it becomes clear that the light horses originated from India and the European horses were heavy, the fact made clear by Azzaroli in his book. This fact accords well with the Burgman's Rule, which states that the animal's of colder regions have heavier body size.

The only horse depiction detected from BMAC is a seal (below; source David Anthony's Blog, also cited in Anthony 2009) with a horse-rider. The horse in it is clearly of the Etruscan type, which is no different from the Marwari type (see below).

Anthony Horse - Copy Fig. 2 A BMAC (Bactria Margiana Archaeological Complex; 2100-1750 BCE) horse, the lone horse depiction from the BMAC

Horse marwR Fig. 3. A Marwari Indian Horse

On the other hand the Kazakh breed of horse is heavy, with shorter legs.

Horse Jabe kazakh2
Fig. 4. A modern Kazakh native breed of Horse

It contrasts with the Harappa horse figurines which were light:

horse-mohenjodaro Fig. 5. Mohenjo-Daro horse: See whether it resembles the ancient Etruscan and modern Marwari horses, or resembles the steppe and Kazakh horses

The steppe horse was like zebra.

Horse treacitta 2 - Copy Fig. 6. Teracotta figurine from Mohenjo-Dar, identified by Mackay as horse. Mackay, Further Excavations at Mohenjo-Daro (from Shendge's book).

Stone Age horse from Europe Ewart p. 363Fig. 7. Stone Age Horse from Europe, resembling the steppe horse. It was not tall, but more like zebra. Ewart, 1909, p. 363.

Przewalski mare Ewart p. 363Fig. 8. A typical steppe horse: Przewalski mare. Ewart 1909, p. 363.

Kazakh ancient horses as depicted on the petroglyphs were stout and with shorter legs:

Petroglyph Kazakhstan Hors Fig. 9.
Kazakh steppe ancient horse as depicted in the rock art

Horse 4Fig. 10. The Pirak horse was light and resembled Mohenjo-Daro horse, but not the Kazakh steppe horse (pictures from M.J. Shendge's book)

European horse was heavy (Bergman's rule) with shorter legs (Allen's Rule) example being the Shetland Pony :

Shetland Pony Fig. 11. A Shetland Pony: A native European horse.

The Zarevshan horse from Zardcha-khalifa resembled the Przewalski horse, and could not have been the ancestor of the Pirak horse:

Zardcha horse pin - CopyFig. 12. Zardcha Khalifa horse: source Parpola in Bryant's book.

Indo-European Linguistics: Horse from water

The PIE root-word for horse ek̂u̯o-s (Pokorny:301-302) has been derived from another PIE root akwā-, ǝkwā or ēkw- (Pokorny:23) meaning "water, river, sea". Starostin (p. 824) thinks that the horses were sacrificed to the sea-god (for navigational safely), hence they got named after "water". However, sacrifices evolved in civilizations much later than language, and the words for animals like horse must have been coined much before any sacrificial rituals came into practice. Hence this view, is at best a good folk-etymology, and cannot be true. We need to search a different relationship between sea and horse.

Rig-Vedic Account Consistent with Linguistic theory

The derivation ek̂u̯o-s (horse) from akwā (water) is not understandable unless we take into account the Rig-Vedic mention that horse came from the ocean. Rig-Veda 1.163 (Hymns for the Horse) says:

1. What time, first springing into life, thou neighedst, proceeding from the sea or upper waters, Limbs of the deer hadst thou, and eagle pinions. O Steed, thy birth is nigh and must be lauded.

4. Three bonds, they say, thou hast in heaven that bind thee, three in the waters, three within the ocean. To me thou seernest Varuna, O Courser, there where they say is thy sublimest birth-place.

The abode of Varuna, the God of waters, is in the Arabian Sea. The foregoing is a picturesque description of retreating horses from the submerging coasts of the Gulf of Cambay in the Arabian Sea following the sea-level rise after the LGM. Just after the Last Glacial Maximum, about 16,000 years back, the sea-level started rising, forcing the coastal fauna, which included the wild horse, into mainland. It may be noted that the horse does not want to live in dense forests (Linlater), and it must have lived on the coasts in large numbers in India. Clearly, this would have given impression to the people at that time that the horses were coming out of the sea. Our studies have indicated that the earliest portions of the Rig-Veda pertain to the end of the Last Glacial Maximum.

This is a literary evidence for presence of wild horse in India during or just after the Last Glacial Maximum. We have to examine whether it corroborates well with archaeology. Examination of archaeology and geology shows that the common notion among the historians that India did not have horse before 1500 BCE is no more than an untruth spoken thousand times taking shape of a fact.

Evidence from Indian Archaeology

Paleontological and archaeological evidence shows that the wild horses were widely distributed all over Europe and Asia throughout the Upper Palaeolithic period between 10,000 BP and 35,000 BP. India was a principal home of horse during that period.

At Imamgaon, 80 kilometers east of Poona, 20,000 years old radiocarbon dated level yielded wild animal skeletons including Equus namadicus and Equus sivalensis (Badam:413), the types belonging to "caballus" species. The latter breed was ancestral to many of the domesticated horse lineages of today like the Arabic horse and the Thoroughbred horse (vide infra). Equus caballus, hemionus and other species have been found from Aq Kupruk of Afghanistan dating back from 8,000 to 16,000 BP (Meadow:25-26). Wild true horse bones were found from 20,000 BP strata of Bolan and Son valleys (G.R. Sharma:110 ff.; Kazanas 1999:33-34), and domesticated horse bones from dates 8500 BP and 6500 BP of the Bolan and Son valleys (Sharma:110 ff.). R.S. Sharma (1996:17) too noted domesticated horse bones from Mahagara Neolithic complex of 7000 BP and Bagor (Rajasthan) 6500 BP (R.S. Sharma:16). However he prefers to ignore them and overall supports invasion by the Aryans on horse-chariots.

In view of the findings of the domesticated "true" horse bones from the Central India (Mahagara, Bolan and Son Valleys) dating back to 8500 BP to 6500 BP, the pre-agricultural hunter (Mesolithic) society as depicted in the Bhimbetka Rock Paintings should be dated 8,000 BP or older. Unfortunately, the paintings have been dated later than 3,500 BP because they contain horse in it and the general view of the historians does not accept horse in India before the Aryan Invasion date of 3,500 BP.

Bhimbetka rock painting
While Equus caballus was present ubiquitously in all sites from Asia and Europe, it was accompanied by one smaller species of Equus which was different for Asia and Europe. In Asia, it was Equus hemionus which was found along with Equus caballus, whereas in Europe it was Equus hydruntinus (Forsten and Sharapov:309). Forsten and Sharapov found that this general formula was broken at Palestine and Tajikistan, where all the three species of horse were found at about 15,000 years back. It may be noted that the generic term Equus caballus included many varieties or races of horse. For India, it was generally sivalensis and namadicus, while for Europe it was generally the stenonis. Although, the namadicus and the sivalensis are the same race of wild caballus horse, yet there are slight differences. Forsten and Sharapov noted that the namadicus horse was larger, and comparatively younger in archaeological findings than the sivalensis (ibid.:310).

During the glacial peak between 25,000 and 19,000 years ago, and then again between 12,700 and 11,500 years ago, there was extreme cold and aridity in the northern latitudes of Eurasia, and also in the West Asia and Iran. There were no herbs for the horses to feed on in the Ukrainian and Turkestani tundra climate of the Last Glacial Maximum. Most of the horses of Eurasia died during these cold and arid periods (Achilli:4 of pdf version). Following warming of climate, horse population re-expanded from some eastern location (ibid). It is possible that the relatively cold adapted Przewalskii's horse may have survived in Ukraine during the Last Glacial Maximum. However DNA studies have proved that these horses have nothing to do with our domesticated or the "caballus" horse, which have descended from other Asian and European races, but not from the Przewalskii's horse of the steppe region (Achilli et al).

Yet India, the Iberian Peninsula of Europe and the Southeast Asia were the places where climate was not so bad and horses survived in these refugia, and flourished during the Last Glacial maximum (Warmuth). Thus after the end of the LGM up to 10,000 years before present India was a prime home of the wild horses.

Today, the Rann of Cutch is a place on the western coast of Gujarat, where there is a natural habitat for wild horses and asses, and ghur (Equus hemionus) is found in the wild there. Before 10,000 BP, wild "true horses" of sivalensis type were found in India widely. It is claimed that they became extinct after 10,000 BP. However, no one mentions how, or why they became extinct. Extinction of Equus sivalensis did not occur because of any climatic difficulty in India.

The wild stock of Equus sivalensis became extinct largely because of dense anthropization of India about 10,000 BP, leading to loss of habitat to the wild horses. Added to this, regular hunting for food, as well as regular capturing for domestication led to extinction of the wild stock of the Equus sivalensis. However, the gene of the wild Equus sivalensis survives today in the domesticated horses of India, Arabia, Southeast Asia and Europe.

Hence the supposed extinction of the wild sivalensis from India at 10,000 BP, does not allow another assumption that at 10,000 BP, India became devoid of all horses, and that there were no domesticated horse in India after that time.

The Post-Glacial Indian Population Expansion, and the exit route out of India

Following the glacial phase, the sea-level started rising shifting the coastal population to the interior (Soares, 2008:). It was a massive shift of population, and its effect was most marked near the Gulf of Cambay. The better climate (warmer and humid) also led to enhanced food availability leading to population growth. Because of these two factors, the carrying capacity of South Asia became saturated, and some of the population was forced to migrate out.

The route of migration out of India between 16,000 BP and 10,000 BP has been deciphered with the help of DNA technology. The human Y-chromosomal haplogroup R1a1a (M17) was studied by Underhill et al. They found its population expansion at about 16,000 BP in Gujarat, India, and spread through southern Central Asia to the north Black Sea region in the next few thousand years.


Fig. 13. Origin and migration of R1a1a (M17), after LGM. Source Underhill et al, 2009.

The study of DNA of domestic mouse sub-species Mus musculus musculus also provides a route map for mice, going out of India to the north Black Sea region, almost at the same time.

Fig. 14. Migration route of domestic mouse sub-species Mus musculus musculus, marked 'm'. Source: Boursot 1996


Fig. 15. Another DNA study showing migration route of Mus musculus musculus (on the top side towards the north Black Sea region. Source: Bonhomme.


Fig. 15. Composite route map of migration of man (R1a1a lineage) and mice (Mus musculus musculus) out of India to the north Black Sea region, just following the Last Glacial Maximum. This seems to be the common route for many other migrations like that of wild horse.

We have seen that the human migration just after the LGM was accompanied with mouse, yet perhaps it was not accompanied by domesticated animals like cattle and horse. The Indian wild horses (sivalensis) must have too followed the same route of migration to the steppe, yet there is evidence that the Russians and the Ukrainians did not get the proper Indo-European word for horse "akwa" (PIE) or aśva (Old Indian).

This is probably because the horse had not been domesticated by that time. Hence the Ukrainian word for horse is kin'. Words for horse in other Slavic languages are: Old Church Slavonic kon"ь "horse", Russian kon" "horse", Czech ku̥ň "horse", koně, Slovak kôň "horse", koňa, Polish koń "horse", Serbo-Croatian kòńj "horse", Slovene kònj "horse" (Starostin:825). Had Indo-European origin and domestication of horse occurred in the Ukrainian steppe, the Slavic languages must have had the word akwa- or asva. No cognate word outside the Slavic branch has so far been suggested for the word konj. Sanskrit kuJjara (kunjara) is a suitable candidate. Kunjara means "one which moves in the orchards, or an elephant.

The words for horse in Lithuanian (arklys, arklinis), Latvian (zirgs), and Estonian (hobun, hobu) too are not from akwa. Yet some words in the Old Lithuanian were from this root: O.Lith. ašva, ešva "mare", Lith. ašviénis "stallion", family name Ašvine and Ašva.

Another notable point in the last figure is the fact that from East Iran to the north Pontic (Black Sea) region, the area over the route was occupied by the Scythians, an East Iranian linguistic group. Even the Kurgan culture of Ukraine (about 6000 years BP) has been identified with the Scythians (an East Iranian tribe). This link of north Pontic region with the East Iranian can only be explained by accepting that the route from East Iran to the north Pontic region was used for migration later also.

In the north Pontic and Caspian region, we get river and place names based on Indian or Iranian river-name or places respectively e.g. Don R. (after Danu R. Iran); Danube R. (after Danu R. Iran); Dnieper R. and Dniester R. (after Danu nazdya); Tyras R. (after Tūra, Tvara rapid); Jamna / Yamna for Black Sea (after Yamuna/ Jamuna the black river of India); Volga (Sanskrit Rasā River MW:870 > Scythian Rā > Russian Volga).

Where was the horse domesticated: the DNA Evidence?

Contrary to the general belief that the horse was domesticated from the Przewalskii wild horse by the Aryans, at their homeland located somewhere in the Eurasian steppe, latest DNA evidence suggests widespread horse domestication, and that too exclusively from non-Przewalskii wild horses, indicating that either the Aryan home was not in the Central Asian steppe, or that the Aryan-horse correlation is a myth, or both.

Wild horses ancestral to the modern caballus horses lived in India and Spain as survivors of the glacial peak. In other parts of Eurasia, any horse population must have died during the Last Glacial peak (20,000 BP to 16,000 BP). Study by Solis et al (2005) showed that many horse breeds of the Iberian Peninsula are autochthonous and have been domesticated in Europe itself. They are not connected with any Aryan arrival. Pottoka is the purest lineage of the Basque horses in northern Spain (Solis:677). Another study using the DNA technology found that at least one breed of horse was domesticated in Spain much before Indo-European linguistic arrival to the area (Achilli et al 2011:4 pdf).

Trashing older beliefs, the DNA study of Achilli et al noted that two of the horse lineages (i.e. F and pre-JK) were found exclusively in the Przewalskii, meaning thereby that the Przewalskii is not the wild ancestor of the Asian and European horses, otherwise these DNA lineages (F and pre-JK) would have been found in the caballus i.e. true horses too (ibid: 3). Achille thus concluded, "This finding also supports evidence from other studies that the Przewalskii's horse is not the mtDNA source for the domestic horse" (ibid). Weinstock et al (2005) found by DNA analysis that the "true horse" is closely related with the American slit-legged horse and the Asian hemionus horses, and that is distant genetically from the Przewalskii horses.

Hence earlier clubbing of the Przewalskii horse with the caballus or "true horse" was unfortunate, and genetically speaking Przewalskii horses are not "true horses". The Przewalskii has 66 chromosomes, where as the "true horses" have 64 chromosomes. They two are actually two species. On the other hand, all available evidence suggests that the Indian horse sivalensis was and its descendant modern Indian horses are "true horses" and have contributed genes to most of the domesticated caballus horse races of the modern world (vide infra).

Moreover evidence from Weinstock's study (supra) makes it clear that the surviving Indian Wild Ass ghur (Equus hemionus of the Runn of Cutch) is genetically closer to the domesticated horses (caballus) than are the Przewalskii wild horse of Central Asia.

This, apart from Tibetan kulan, is the closest surviving wild relative of modern "true horse" in the Old World. Skeletons of extinct "true" horse viz. Equus namadicus (Falconer and Cautley 1849; Sonakiya and Biswas 1998) and Equus sivalensis (Falconer and Cautley 1849) have been recovered from India. This is consistent with the DNA studies which suggest that the modern Indian "true horses" are autochthonous to India, and the morphological studies which suggest that the Equus sivalensis was one of the ancestors of the "true horse".

The Central Asia ranging from the north Black Sea to Mongolia was the original home of wild Przewalskii's horse. Hence it may be safely inferred that the Central Asia or the Steppe-Region was not the place of early domestication of horse, otherwise the Przewalskii's would have got domesticated, not the non-Przewalskii horses.

By DNA study of living horses, Vila et al (2002) and Jansen et al (2002) were able to demonstrate that the theory of a regional domestication of horse by Aryans was wrong and that the horses were domesticated at a large number of places from local wild horses throughout Eurasia. Tatjana (2008) found that by 6000 years before present or the Bronze Age both wild and domesticated horses had been widespread over Europe and Asia. It may be noted here that most of the populations of Eurasia were not agricultural societies then, even though technologically, the period may be within the age of farming. Most of the populations depended on hunting, and horse was essentially a hunting help. Assistence from dog and horse combine perfected the art of hunting, leading to more and more live captures of the prey, leading to birth of pastoralism.

DNA study of fossil and living wild and domesticated horses by Kavar (2005) showed that there had been many centres for recruitment of horses for domestication, thus contradicting any compulsory association of the horse domestication and Aryans. In effect, this trashes the Kurgan hypothesis too. By this time, there is a huge collection of such reports and reviewing them all is beyond the scope of this article.

Lindgren and colleagues (2004) found in their DNA study that although wild mares had been recruited from all over Eurasia, on the male side only one male had been recruited, from whose breed all the domesticated horses have descended. This male was not the Central Asian Przewalskii, because the latter had split from the modern horse lineage about 120,000 years back. Possibly this progenitor male was of Tarpan or related wild type. However, with the death of the last living wild horse of Eurasia the Tarpan, today we are not in a position to ascertain the location of the wild male progenitor of modern horses. Yet one thing is sure that this male horse had descended from a stallion line originating from a southern location, either the Iberian Peninsula or the South India after the end of glaciations.

DNA analysis shows that all modern "true horses" (i.e. excluding donkeys and zebras) have descended from a single gene pool of Pleistocene horses. There was a large scale extinction of horse lineages during the Last Glacial Maximum (20,000 to 16,000 years back). Horses survived the bad glacial period in the southern locations of Eurasia (Iberian Peninsula and India). West Asia and Iran were extremely arid cold deserts (James and Petraglia: S7), and were not habitable for horses during this period.

Indian horses have generally been excluded from the DNA studies of domestication of horse, thanks to the strong belief in the Aryan-Horse Invasion Theory. However some studies have only recently been conducted that show that the Indian horse breeds are autochthonous.

Behl et al (2007) studied DNA of five Indian caballus horse breeds viz. Marwari, Spiti, Bhutia, Manipuri and Zanskari vis-à-vis the European Thoroughbred horse. The result showed that the genetic distance varied as the geographical distance between the lineages. There is a geographical structuring of the horse breeds in India. This type of finding necessarily means that the breeds under question have evolved in their present location over a very long period of time, and also that they have not been imported from outside.

This finding means that these Indian horse breeds are indigenous of India living in their respective places for a very long period of time. A DNA study of the Spiti horses of the Himachal Pradesh showed that this domesticated breed of the "true horse" has been well in place in the region for a very long time, much before the assumed date of Aryan Invasion on India (Chauhan et al). This finding is consistent with other studies demonstrating that the Indian sivalensis horse gave birth to many horse lineages of India and abroad (vide infra).

Equus sivalensis of India

"Equus sivalensis of the Siwalik deposits of Northern India, is the oldest true horse known to science" (Ewart 1909:393). He again wrote, "Equus sivalensis is the oldest true horse known, it has more highly specialised teeth than the Oreston and Newstead ponies." (Ewart 1911:366). This is not an isolated view. This has been the considered opinion of the equinologists of the last two centuries, before Wheeler gave the horse-invasion theory in 1930.

J.A. Thompson (1922:1109) wrote "One of these, which flourished during Pliocene times, was a slender-limbed species, standing about 15 hands high, and having a broad forehead and tapering face, and certain peculiarities of the molar teeth. This type is represented by the Siwalik horse (Equus sivalensis). The Arab may be a descendant of this stock."

In 1916, the New York Academy of Science noted (Annals:310), "A possible contributory to the desert breed of the Pleistocene and of the modern domesticated horses is the animal of the E. sivalensis type of the Upper Pliocene in the Siwaliks of India. This animal is tall, with long, fairly slender limbs, long neck, well elevated tail, long face, which is strongly deflected on the cranium with a slightly convex profile and broad brow, and teeth with a narrow protocone."

Ewart (1909:392) noted, "Of the possible ancestors of the domestic breeds, the following may be mentioned:– Equus sivalensis, E. stenonis, E. gracilis (Owen's Asinus fossilis), E. namadicus, E. fossilis and E. robustus." … (p. 393) "It used to be said that E. sivalensis could not be regarded as an ancestor of domestic horses because of the shortness of the anterior pillar of the cheek teeth. I find, however, that in some modern horses, the anterior pillars are decidedly shorter than in E. sivalensis, and that in some of the short-pillared domestic horses the face is nearly as strongly deflected on the cranium as in E. sivalensis. There is hence no longer any reason for assuming that this ancient Indian species had no share in the making of domestic breeds. But in the absence of a large and representative collection of skulls of domestic horses, it is impossible to say which modern breeds are most indebted to the large-headed, long- limbed race, which in Pliocene times frequented the area to the east of the Jhelum River, now occupied by the Siwalik Hills. Mr. Lydekker thinks E. sivalensis or some closely allied race " may have been the ancestral stock from which Barbs, Arabs and Thoroughbreds are derived.""

"Equus sivalensis of India was a tall, broad-browed horse characterized by a long tapering deflected face and an inter-orbital prominence, a long neck, high withers and a high-set-on tail." (United States Bureau Report: 174). The US Bureau report suggested that like the Arab and the Indian horses, which descended from the sivalensis, the latter too may have been a fleet race characterized by an indomitable disposition (ibid:174). The Report noted the features of the Indian Siwalik horse in the following words: "light as well as heavy horses characterized by long pointed ears and a prominence between the eyes, by a long deflected face, high withers (shoulder ridge), and a high-set-on tail include horses of the Siwalik type as their ancestor" (174). This is the description of a classical horse. Most of the high quality horses would fit in this description.
These findings go well with the earlier findings that many of the caballus horses of Europe have descended from Equus stenonis, which was a close relative of Equus sivalensis (Ewart), and that most of the caballus horses of Asia have descended from the Indian horse sivalensis. These two were different from the Central Asian Przewalskii horse. Ponies too of both Asia and Europe are caballus in status, and are most closely related to the sivalensis and stenonis. Indian horse breeds of today like Marwari, Manipuri, Spiti and Bhutia exhibit features of sivalensis and have most likely been domesticated from it.

There is evidence that the sivalensis horses were taken along with the Neolithic migrations from India to the Southeast Asia and the Philippines. Paterno (1981:396) noted, "This contention is based on some isolated preservation of E. sivalensis traits. However, rather fully-sivalensis types have been described from Neolithic strata (8000-4000 BCE) at Lemery, Batangas in the Philippines together with dog remains." Alba (1994) too notes that the E. sivalensis features are still found in the horses of the so-called "Sulu Horse" and its relatives in Borneo, Sumatra and Malacca. This description implies domestication of sivalensis horse in India before 8000 BCE (10,000 BP).

Ewart (1911) presented a good discussion on the Indian Equus sivalensis and found that this particular wild horse has made a large contribution to modern "true horse" or caballus population of the world. The Thoroughbred breed which is used worldwide today for racing, hunting, polo etc is descended from Equus sivalensis (Ewart:369).

Certain breeds of modern British racehorses have descended from Newstead horse which was a connecting link between the modern British horse breeds and the Indian sivalensis (ibid:370). The Barb breed of North African coast and also the so called Arab breed of horse in fact are descendants of the Equus sivalensis (ibid:369). Lydekker, another specialist of equine breeds too opined that the horses of Arabia, North African coast and the Thoroughbred breed have descended from the Indian Equus sivalensis. (quoted in ibid:369; also Lydekker:19-21). Lydekker, and also Ray Lankester, found that the "blood-horse" too was of Indian origin. (quoted in The Origin and Influence of Thoroughbred Horse, CUP Archives.). This is logical. The term blood-horse is a short form for "warm-blooded horse".

Manansala (p. 396) notes, "In other words, Lydekker now realizes that all the modern breeds are not characterized by long-pillared molars, and says that there is a probability that Barbs, Arabs and Thoroughbreds are descended from Equus sivalensis". He further adds, "However, rather fully sivalensis types have been described from Neolithic strata (8000-4000 BCE) at Lemery, Batangas in the Philippines together with dog remains." (ibid).

In spite of the widely held belief that Equus sivalensis went extinct about 10,000 years back, we have evidence of their existence in the true horse population of India. US Bureau on Animal Industry Fifth Report noted that "Throughbreds built on the lines of Stockwell and Persimmons are probably more intimately related to Equus sivalensis than to Prof Ridgeway's 'fine bay horse' (Equus caballus libycus) of North Africa." (page 174). In fact, the Central Asian ancient wild horse was like Indian sivalensis horse (ibid:168), and the skeletal features of the latter have been retained in many modern breeds of horse of Europe (ibid: plate IX, Fig.3, opp. p. 168). Ewart noted in the report that there were four types of domesticated horses in the world, the "steppe", "forest", "plateau" and "siwalik" types. (p. 163)

It is not possible to discuss the whole report of the US Bureau here. The concluding remark noted, "But notwithstanding the absence of well preserved skulls it has been possible by making use of the new methods to obtain a considerable amount of evidence that the domestic horses had a multiple origin, that they include amongst their ancestors not only varieties allied to the wild horse which still survives in Mongolia, and varieties adapted for a forest life, but also varieties specialized for ranging over boundless deserts and plateaus, and for living amongst foothills and upland valleys." (page 165)

On the other hand, many authors hold that these breeds (Arab, Thoroughbreds, Blood-horse etc) have not fully descended from the sivalensis, but yet have got a significant contribution from sivalensis horse of Pleistocene India. This sensible research in modern horse evolution came to an abrupt end probably as a consequence of the World Wars, which diverted scholarly attention to more acute issues, and following the Wars, infused an element of Nazism in the scholars.

By the time the World War II ended, people had forgotten the sivalensis horse, and much more spirited Eurocentric minds relied more on conjectures supporting the White pride, rather than the facts unearthed by generations of horse specialist zoologists and paleontologists.

Thus the evidence says that the presumed to be extinct Indian wild horse Equus sivalensis was in fact domesticated, and has contributed significantly to the numbers of modern domesticated caballus horses, particularly those living in India today.

The Central Asians and the Horse

Another myth of history is the assumption that the Central Asian steppe people must have been the first domesticators of the horse. A recent archaeological research by Frachetti and Benecke (2009) showed that the Central Asians were quite late to keep horse. They did not have domesticated horses even after they had adopted the pastoral practices. It was only after 50 AD that the Central Asians took interest in keeping horse. "Thus the data from Begash draw into question the still common view that Eurasian pastoralism diffused eastward as a result of mounted horsemen in the Bronze Age" they write.

More importantly, they found that association with horse was related to increased adoption of "hunting" mode of subsistence: "At Begash, there is a correlation between a slow increase in horses and evidence for increased ranges of hunting."… "Significantly, faunal data from Begash contradict the notion that the emergence of Eurasian pastoralism was sparked by the rapid domestication and riding of the horse." (p.1025).

At Begash, the layers with increased pastoral activity had more of sheep, goat and cattle bones, and very few horse bones (Fig. 2 on p. 1029). Thus horse riding was probably invented by the hunter societies, as has been depicted in the Bhimbetka rock paintings.

This is the reason why we get more importance of horse in the Vedic literature, but the importance of cattle increases as Vedic society moved towards greater pastoralism and agriculture. Hence Kazanas (2009) is correct in his assessment that the Indus Valley civilization, a largely farming society with much less emphasis on horse, was a post-Rig-vedic society. By this evidence we may say that the earliest portion of the Rig-Veda is a transformation zone from hunting to pastoral society, which we call Mesolithic in archaeological terminology. Outram et al (2009) found at Botai (Kazakhstan) that horse was domesticated there for meat and mare's milk, although it may have been ridden also.

In all event, there is no archaeological evidence of movement of humans or horse from the Central Asia to Iran or India. The BMAC (Bactria-Margiana-Archaeological Complex, 4300-3700 BP) is the southern Central Asian cultural complex. It has been found that there was no horse in the BMAC (Witzel 2003:7 of 12, pdf). No horse related furniture has been found. This clearly rules out any migration of horse or horse riding Aryans from this route to Iran or India. Clearly Indian antiquity of horse is older than that of the Central Asia. That means horse was domesticated in India and Ukrainian steppe independently of each other.

Moreover, Hiebert (1998:153) noted, "no steppe nomadic complex has been found on the Iranian plateau, not even evidence of indirect contact or interaction… The only evidence for interaction … comes from the Central Asia desert oasis cultures." Thus any migration of man or horse from steppe to Indo-Iran is ruled out by archaeology.

The Linguistics of Horse

Harmatta showed that many languages borrowed Indo-Aryan words for 'horse'. The North-Western Caucasian languages Udi (4000 BC) had ek, Circassian and Kabardian šv, and Abkhaz a-čv. Similarly Southeast Caucasian too had such words meaning horse from the Indo-Aryan: Lak ču; Khinalug spa ass; Chechen gaur, Ingush gour horse (c.f. Persian gor wild ass, RV gaura wild cow, Hindi ghor horse; quoted in Mishra:222).

On the other hand the PIE root for horse akwa- is absent from Hittite (Kazanas 2009:174), implying that Anatolia was not the place of origin of the Indo-European languages, because the IE languages are so strongly identified with the word akwa. In the Celtic again, there is confusion: ech and Epona, implying borrowing from other branches (vide infra). In the Germanic group too, eoh (the cognate of akwa-) was there earlier, but seems to have been lost and retained only in a few personal names, or compound words today. In the Slavic, akwa- is not in use (vide supra). Thus Indian and Iranian are the only two branches of Indo-European, where this root is firmly present.

There are two sets of cognates one each for southern and northern route languages, both being present in India:

1. Southern Route Cognates of aśva (meaning horse): *ekwo- (PIE); Sanskrit ashva; Avestan aspa; Latin equus; Greek hippos; O. Irish ech; Tocharian A yuk, Toch. B yakwe. We do not know whether Tibetan yak is a loan from Tocharian. Welsh ebol means "any young animal".

Although Greek hippos has been derived by citing examples of "k" to "p" mutation. Such a view is no better than the folk-etymology. A more logical explanation would be :

Sanskrit aśva > Avestan aspa, and also Persian aqva; Avestan aspa > hippos, epona etc. From Persian aqva > Latin equus. Such a derivation needs a serious consideration.

2. Old English eoh; Gothic aihwa- (in compound word aihwatundi, a herb); OCS ehu-; all meaning "horse". Also of note is English "ass" (donkey). Although cognates of Sanskrit aśva have been noted in the Germanic languages, they occur as vestigial words of folk-memory, as compound words in which the meaning "horse" is not often explicit, but has been made out by us as a product of semantic analysis of the words. For example: aihwa- (Goeth.) occurs only as the compound word aihwa-tundi (bramble, prickly bush). Similarly Old Saxon ehu- is found only as a compound word in ehu-scalc stable-keeper (Lehmann:15). In many languages the meaning has changed.

3. Northern Route Cognates of Horse: *kurs- (PIE, to run), *hursa- (P. Gmc.), hross (O. Norse), hors- (O. Fris.), ors (M. Du), hros (OHG), khura, kharu (Sk. horse), hreS- (Sk. neighing of a horse), hari (Sk. horse), haryaśva (Sk. a bay horse of reddish-brown colour, c.f. E. "horse", MHG hross, Ger. ross etc), harya (Sk. horse). khara (Sk. donkey). In Sanskrit other words are: harSa "erection of male sex organ", hrasva. Also important are Sanskrit sartR, sthaura and sthurin and English "stallion".

In the Celtic branch, Old Irish had ech from akwa-. Gaul epo- (horse) also does not occur independently, but as a first part of compound word "eporedorix" (horse of the redo=ratha=chariot of the rix= king), and in the name of goddess Epona. In fact Greek hippos may be a word borrowed from Gaul/Proto-Celtic elements existing in Greece before the second wave of Indo-European arrival in the area. That leads us to suggest that there were actually three waves of Indo-European entry into Europe. And we are aware that actually three waves of DNA lineages entered Europe at different times: a) R1b/R1b1b, b) R1a1a, and c) J2b.

Lehmann remarks that "phonological difficulties may point to borrowing introduced when the horse became known to the Indo-Europeans through an unidentified steppe people." (ibid). However this conclusion has to be read in conjunction with the recent DNA studies of human migration. Probably, the first wave of Indo-European speakers reached Central and South Europe as R1b1b, and north Europe from India as R1a1a Y chromosomal haplogroup. At that time they had not carried horse (and cow). Hence the word for "horse" was lost from the Germanic and Balto-Slavic language. The words for horse were re-borrowed into the north European languages later from arrivals from South Europe, who had domesticated local horse after subsequent waves of Indo-European arrivals from South Asia and Iran (as J2b).

Upper Pliestocene Horse Shivalik Type (Fig 55 on page 364 of Ewart 1911)

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http://aryaninvasionmyth.wordpress.com/2012/10/18/origin-of-the-light-sivalensis-type-horse-from-india/


Wednesday, December 5, 2012

Encashment of virtuous Tamil Hindu psyche - the Christian methodology for conversion.


From

http://www.vijayvaani.com/ArticleDisplay.aspx?aid=2585

Encashment of virtuous Tamil Hindu psyche: Sainthood of Devasahayam Pillai

by C I Issac

on 05 Dec 2012


The Vatican in its third millennium is committed to plant its Cross over Asia as was done in previous millenniums over Africa and the Americas. In the case of Asia, the church generally signifies India and particularly Tamil Nadu, the most vulnerable place of Hindu social formations of India (the reasons for this vulnerability are not the subject of this article).

 

Earlier in the seventeenth century, Roberto de Nobili of Montepulciano, Tuscany, a padre of the Society of Jesus, in his zeal to convert the Brahmins adopted their mode of life and so had to cut himself off completely from intercourse with fellow missionaries. Through fraudulence, he depicted the entire Hindu tradition as the corrupted form of Christianity. With this end he claimed to have discovered a fifth Veda which he called Jesus Veda. He worked in Madura, Mysore, and southern Karnataka till old age and almost complete blindness compelled him to retire to Mylapore.

 

Proselytism enterprises in the Tamil south attempted to baptize Thiruvalluvar and the Kural. In 1969, M. Deivanayagam with the blessings of the Church published a book in Tamil to portray Thiruvalluvar as the disciple of St. Thomas. The timely interference of national forces aborted the vicious and malicious designs of Arulappas and 'Paul Iyers' like 'Jayachandras' of modern south India.

 

The forces of the Conversion Lobby is now experimenting with another strategy to bestow the halo of sainthood upon a traitor, Neelakanda Pillai, of the kingdom of Travancore. This 18th century convert is now being repackaged as 'Devasahayam Pillai' in the absence of any proper historical evidence, in order to build an icon of martyrdom to the cause of 'faith'.

 

According to the Catholic Church of Kanyakumari district, Neelakanda Pillai was an employee in the palace service of Travancore. Here it may be appropriate to quote Swami Vivekananda: "For every conversion that is lost to Hinduism, it is not just one lost, but one more enemy to Hinduism".  

 

During the Second Vatican Council (11 October 1962 to 8 December 1965) under pontiffs John XXIII and Paul VI, two thousand saints were removed from the nomenclature of ten-thousand-odd saints of the Catholic Church on the ground that there was insufficient evidence to their continuation in the galaxy of saints.

 

Pope John Paul II was known for his agenda of elevating 482 persons to sainthood; about 300 were put on a pedestal of different stages on the road to the final destination of sainthood. It was an all time record in the long history of 261 pontiffs so far. But his successor Benedict XVI is striving to overtake him. Yet Fr. Damien, who died on 15 April 1889 and served the ostracized lepers of Molokai in Hawaii, waited until 11 October 2009 in a long queue for sainthood. Fr. Damien's elevation to sainthood is not beneficial to the Church from the conversion point of view. 

 

The two thousand-odd saints had a purpose in the last millenniums and were served well. But in the changed scenario the Church has no use for them and so they were ousted from the pantheon of saints! Now the Vatican is running after Mother Theresa-like pragmatic saints who have acquired socio-political relevance in the contemporary world order. Several 'removed saints' are still adored in the Catholic churches of Kerala.

 

One such saint is St. George [Gee Varghese in Malayalam]; he is dear to the Church materially and mystically and that is why the Church of Kerala renounced the dictum of the pontiff. St. George of Edthuva and Aruvithura are indivisible in Kerala Catholic faith because this saint is acceptable to the Hindus, especially from southern Tamil Nadu, and hence he is a money-minter for the Church. His morphology is rather more Hindu than Occident; hence his acceptance. Above all, the Church in an era of globalization is more pragmatic than any business firms of Kerala.     

 

The focus of this study is the authenticity of the story of the execution of Neelakanda Pillai alias Devasahayam Pillai of Nattalam in the present day Kanyakumari district of Tamil Nadu by the Travancore Raja in 1752 on the ground that he embraced Christianity. The Catholic Church alleges that the Brahmin chief priest of the kingdom and certain members of the royal family along with the Nair jati levelled false charges of treason against Devasahayam Pillai before the Dalawa (dewan).

 

According to the advocates of Neelakanda Pillai's sainthood, his conversion to the Christian faith generated intolerance amongst the upper jati Hindus / Nairs, thus they conspired against him; hence the case of treason. There are various other stories in circulation concerning the poignant end of Neelakanda Pillai. One story says that during the reign of Ramayyan Dalawa, authorities framed charges against him: disclosing of state secrets to rivals and Europeans. Dalawa ordered the execution of Neelakanda Pillai and he was taken on the back of a buffalo to Kuzhumaikkad where he was executed on charges of sedition.

 

Another story is that in 1752, the King and his Dalawa ordered his deportation from Travancore into the Pandya country at Aralvaimozhy. There, he was let off in the forest where he began deep meditations and people from adjacent villages began visiting him as a holy man.

 

Here the pertinent questions are whether the practice of religious persecution existed in the State of Travancore; whether Neelakanda Pillai converted to Christianity and specifically to Catholicism; whether a man from Nair jati embraced the Latin Catholic Church; if he converted to Catholicism was it possible to remain in the palace service, and what is the immediate purpose of elevating him to the sainthood.

 

P.K. Balakrishnan, author of Jati Vyavasthithiyum Kerala Charithravum (Mal. pub.1983, pp 342 ff), makes it clear that even though the social relations of Kerala were based on jati / birth-based discriminations, religion was not a matter of social concern. The great poet Vallathol attested to the harmonious co-existence of diverse religions as Kerala's time tested tradition. Krishna Chaitanya, a noted social historian of Kerala writes: "The Keralite, whatever his religion, grows up in a multicultural milieu, which has been an established reality in the land for centuries" (Kerala, p 62).

 

Recently the Dalai Lama, while attending a Christian function at Cochin, attested to the age-old Indian tradition of equal respect for all religions (and not religious tolerance) in the following words: "India exemplified how different religious faiths and traditions could live in harmony and she is the noble paradigm spiritual harmony and coexistence" (Matrubhoomi Daily, The Hindu, Deccan Chronicle, Cochin 26 November 2012). 


This traditional characteristic of Kerala society was acknowledged by an eminent historian: "The Hindu rulers of ancient Kerala followed a policy of enlightened religious toleration … The progress of the faith was, in many respects, due to the tolerant policy pursued by the rulers of Kerala…" (A. Sreedhara Menon, A Survey of Kerala History, 1970, pp 92, 104).

 

Above all, Marthanda Varma's broadmindedness to accept De Lannoy, a Danish Christian, as commander-in-chief of his forces is sufficient and self-explaining testimony to the general Hindu social psyche of the day. In short, Kerala's track record in the history of harmonious coexistence of religions is exemplary of the broad Hindu outlook since the dawn of its civilization to the present. Hence a story of Devasahayam Pillai's tragic end is fictitious and un-historic.  

 

As Neelakanda Pillai hailed from an aristocratic Nair household of 18th century Travancore and was well placed in the palace service, the genuineness of the story of his conversion to Christianity is unbelievable and fabulous in the history of proselytism of Kerala. Social disability attributed to certain jatis by smriti rules, the ruling ideology of ancient Kerala, is the prime villain responsible for the mass exodus of certain jatis to alien religions in the changed political scenario.

 

In this situation, the conversion of a Nair before European domination over Kerala's political life is an absurd story and an act of building castles in the air. If for the sake of argument one accepted the conversion of Neelakanda Pillai to Latin Catholicism, the question of his social acceptance in the highly jati conscious society is vital. One has to keep in mind that the Latin Catholics, even today, are untouchables to the Syrian Catholics of Kerala. Conversion would make his social rank in the mlechha (out-cast) category and thus he would miss his socio-political acceptance automatically.

 

Thus, without any external intervention, all his social status and prerogatives along with his employment in the palace service would be automatically terminated. Hence there was no room for false fabrication of charges by a Brahmin priest against him. While in the palace service, Neelakanda Pillai was very clearly not converted to an alien faith.   

 

A 20th century story associated with Neelakanda Pillai's conversion is narrated by C.M. Augur in "The Church History of Travancore" (1902, Kottayam). It explains the story without any relevant documentary evidence. This is a deliberate conspiracy plotted by the Church.

 

Similarly, the Malayalam literary magazine Bhasposhini (Vol. XXVIII, No. 7, 2004), part of the Christian-owned Malayala Manorama group, published the story of the conversion of one Ramavarma, heir-apparent to the Cochin royal family, to Christianity under the influence of Dr. Herman Gundert, a protestant missionary in 19th century Malabar. The cover story says he received baptism from Dr. Herman Gundert on 3 September 1856m and assumed the name Yakoob (Jacob) Ramavarman (1814-1858).

 

The story of his conversion is presented to the reading public in a more camouflaged manner by the magazine, which debates the question of the first autobiography in Malayalam and concludes that Yakoob Ramavarman is the first autobiographer of the Malayalam language. This is a paradox which was not noticed by three outstanding literary historians of Kerala, Ulloor S Parameswara Iyer, T.M. Chummar and Dr. K.M. George, but was discovered by Bhasposhini in its cover story. The irony is that T.M. Chummar and Dr. K.M. George are upper jati Christians of Kerala. The purpose of the debate over the nonexistent and unpublished autobiography was to give stimulus to the enterprise of apostasy in Kerala.

 

Anyway, the attempt did not produce any desired output. The reason is that Gundert was a Protestant and in Protestantism saints have no relevance; hence making and marketing Yakoob Ramavarman as a saint turned unfeasible for the time being. In short, the proselytism entrepreneurs of India who cast its covetous eyes over the unorganized Hindus are always eager to experiment newer and newer tricks to trap them and has a periodic recurring character (sambhavami yuge yuge).

   

Neelakanda Pillai's alleged conversion to the Catholic faith under the influence of De Lannoy was another serious contradiction that persists in the fabrication of this story, which acquired impetus in the 1980s. Those who fabricated the above story did not know the then persistent politico-religious relations of the West.

 

De Lannoy was a Danish subject in communion with the Protestant Church. When the Dutch captured Fort Cochin, they occupied St. Antonio Church of the Catholics, where Vasco da Gama was buried, and changed it to St. Francis Church. Now this church belongs to CSI, a Protestant order. Later, the British occupied it and at the time of independence they handed it over to the CSI.

 

In Europe at the time of Neelakanda Pillai, the Catholics and Protestants were in a belligerent mood. Therefore De Lannoy would never allow Neelakanda Pillai to receive baptism from the Catholics. Moreover, at Udayagiri Fort, De Lannoy maintained a Protestant Church. Above all, the Dutch were the gurus of conversion in those days, so why would De Lannoy send Neelakanda Pillai to the Catholic fold for a simple ritual of baptism?

 

From the days of Roberto de Nobili (1606), the Papacy was enthused to convert the Tamil south but failed. In recent times it has attempted to hijack the great saint Thiruvalluvar, the spinal cord of Tamil identity, who lived a century before Jesus, by forging history! The church is peddling the story that Thiruvalluvar met Saint Thomas at Mylapore and converted to Christianity. This did not go down well and so now it is experimenting with Devashayam Pillai. The archival sources remain silent about Neelakanda Pillai's conversion or execution.  

 

The birth of newer saints will boost the morale of the nuns and clergy. In an age that criticizes the Church's educational business and proselytism, miracles by native saints can attract more Hindus. Under the fascination of miracles of saints, if Hindus are converted to Christianity, no one can blame it as a proselytizing enterprise. That is the logic behind the elevation of people to sainthood in strategic regions.

 

In an age of sons of the soil, such a strategy may yield better. The offertory of a Hindu to a wayside chapel of a designated saint does not fall in the category of an income-generating business, like educational institutions or hospitals. This benefits the Church in two ways - it can continue conversion and amass money without public censure. In an age of liberalization and globalization, marketing strategies are essential for the faith also. Hence European churches are using the potential of the Indian Church for outsourcing holy mass and other sacraments. In the marketability perspective, Kerala waysides are perfect spaces for the sale of saints and their miracles.  

 

The author is a retired Professor of History, and lives in Trivandrum


Tuesday, December 4, 2012

Sec 66A: Curbs on free speech are part of Nehru family legacy - Prof R Vaidyanathan



From

http://www.firstpost.com/india/sec-66a-curbs-on-free-speech-are-part-of-nehru-family-legacy-544470.html

 

Sec 66A: Curbs on free speech are part of Nehru family legacy

by Dec 4, 2012

By R Vaidyanathan


There has been huge consternation and hand-wringing by legal and other experts about section 66A of the Information Act 2000, as amended in 2008, and which got the presidential assent on 5 February 2009. This bill, and several others, were passed on 23 December 2008, the last day of the winter session of the 14th Lok Sabha in seven minutes flat.

The way the Act is worded, many experts feel it is ultra vires the Constitution's Article 19(1)(a), which enshrines freedom of speech. The Supreme Court is currently hearing a petition on it and it has issued notices to state governments like Maharashtra and also the Centre. The next hearing is scheduled for 14 January 2013.

The issue is much more deep rooted and ingrained in our governance system and was originally planted by Jawaharlal Nehru, who introduced the first amendment to the constitution to curtail press freedom.

In the debates surrounding the first amendment to the Indian Constitution, Nehru came under severe attack from opposition leaders for compromising the right to free speech and opinion.  Two court decisions in 1949, upholding the right to free speech by people on the far right and far left impacted him.

The cases involved Romesh Thapar, in which the Madras government, after declaring the Communist party illegal, banned the Left leaning magazine Crossroads as it was sharply critical of the Nehru government. The court held that banning a publication on the ground of threat to public safety or public order was not supported by the constitutional scheme since the exceptions to 19(1)(a) were much more specific and had to entail a danger to the security of the state.

The other case related to an order by the Chief Commissioner, Delhi, asking Organiser, the RSS mouthpiece, to submit all communal matters and materials related to Pakistan to scrutiny.

It was in this context that Nehru's government decided to amend the Constitution inserting the words 'public order' and 'relations with friendly states' into Article 19(2).

]


In the debates surrounding the first amendment to the Indian Constitution, Nehru came under severe attack from opposition leaders for compromising the right to free speech and opinion. Getty Images

More than the amendments, it is the intolerance exhibited by Nehru for his opponents in the Lok Sabha during the debate which is much more frightening.

Let us quote him from a 
Time magazine report of 28 May 1951.

"Part of the Indian press, said (Nehru), is dirty, indulges in 'vulgarity, indecency and falsehood.' To teach it manners, Nehru proposed an amendment to India's constitution that would impose severe restrictions on freedom of speech and expression. He asked for power to curb the press and to punish persons and newspapers for 'contempt of court, defamation and incitement to an offense' Nehru told Parliament: 'It has become a matter of the deepest distress to me to see the way in which the less responsible news sheets are being conducted . . . not injuring me or this House much, but poisoning the minds of the younger generation."

Nehru said his measure was aimed at Communist and Hindu extremist agitation. His real targets: Atom, Current, Struggle and Blitz, four Bombay-published sensational weeklies which have consistently attacked Nehru's domestic and foreign policy, scurrilously attacked the US. 

A further quote:

"Prime Minister Nehru got his law to curb India's press. Voting 228 to 20, Parliament amended the 1949 constitution, which guaranteed freedom of speech and expression to all citizens. Under the amendment, the government may introduce laws fining newspapers for 'defamation or incitement to an offense.' The courts will set the penalties.

A small but determined parliamentary opposition, led by Dr Syama Prasad Mookerjee, former Minister for Industry, bitterly attacked the amendment. 

Mookerjee (to Nehru): You've got 240 supporters in this House, but outside in the country millions are against you.

Nehru (shaking his fists) : [Your] statements are scandalous...

The fury with shaking fists exhibited by Nehru was carried forward by his daughter Indira Gandhi when she imposed an internal emergency and introduced comprehensive censorship of the media and, unfortunately, most of our media" crawled when asked to bend."

In addition to the common man, the judiciary and the 
media bore the maximum brunt of the impact of the emergency. The Supreme Court, by a majority of four to one, held that a person could be arrested or detained without legitimate grounds and there was no remedy in the law courts since all fundamental rights were suspended. The attorney-general of India argued - a citizen could be killed illegally and no remedy was available since there were no fundamental rights of the citizen any more.

Censorship was imposed on newspapers and barring a few, like The Indian Express, other newspapers did not have the courage to defy the censorship orders.

On the lighter side, Vinod Mehta, who edited the girlie magazine Debonair from what was then called Bombay, was asked to have his articles and pictures cleared before they were sent to the printer. The censor looked over the pages. "Porn? Theek hai! Politics no." Most of it was soft porn. It was quickly cleared!!

The Press Council of India was formed after the ending of Emergency and its main aim was to safeguard the freedom of the press and to maintain and improve the standards of newspapers and news agencies in the country.

After Indira, it was Rajiv Gandhi's turn. During his regime, he tried to censor the press by passing the infamous Defamation Bill in the Lok Sabha, but he was forced to withdraw the bill before it became law after it faced intense opposition from the public.

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This section 66A, introduced as part of an amendment to the IT Act in 2008, is draconian in the Nehruvian tradition circa 1951. AFP


Rajiv Gandhi also made a crude attempt to pass a Postal bill, which sought powers to censor and intercept all mail. The law would have allowed him to set up an entire department with huge offices in all cities to look at every letter sent in the mail. The letters would be censored and ordinary people arrested for the crime of sending letters criticising the government. Fortunately, President Zail Singh precipitated a constitutional crisis by refusing to sign the bill and the country was saved from such a draconian law.

The Rajiv Gandhi government banned Salman Rushdie's Satanic Verses, - the first country to do so - an act that would attract the attention of the whole world in terms of curtailing free speech.

Now, in this Sonia-Rahul dispensation, it is the turn of Section 66A. This section 66A, introduced as part of an amendment to the IT Act in 2008, is draconian in the Nehruvian tradition circa 1951. The sad part of this amendment is that experts from various IT-related bodies like Nasscom seem to have provided inputs and given the nod to such a draconian law.

The government had notified four sets of rules under the Information Technology Act, 2000 on 11 April 2011.

Section 66A elaborates on the subject of offensive messages and punishments thereon through communication service, etc.

a) any information that is grossly offensive or has menacing character; or

b) any information which he knows to be false, but for the purpose of causing annoyance, inconvenience, danger, obstruction, insult, injury, criminal intimidation, enmity, hatred or ill will, persistently by making use of such computer resource or a communication device,

c) any electronic mail or electronic mail message for the purpose of causing annoyance or inconvenience or to deceive or to mislead the addressee or recipient about the origin of such messages shall be punishable with imprisonment for a term which may extend to three years and with fine.

Explanation.- For the purpose of this section, the terms "electronic mail" and "electronic mail message" means a message or information created or transmitted or received on a computer, computer system, computer resource or communication device, including attachments in text, images, audio, video and any other electronic record, which may be transmitted with the message.

Clause (a) of Section 66A uses expressions such as 'grossly offensive' and 'menacing' which are not only difficult  to define but also highly subjective. Clause (b) prescribes penalties for offences such as 'annoyance', 'criminal intimidation', 'insult' and promoting 'hatred' or 'ill- will' between groups. Prescribing the same punishment for 'annoyance', as well as 'criminal intimidation is ridiculous. Moreover, most of these offences are already covered under various sections of the Indian Penal Code, 1860 (IPC). As a result, offenders often get booked under both the statues for the same offence.

In some cases, penalties for the same offences are higher in the IT Act as compared to those in the IPC. Thus, if an offence is committed through an electronic medium such as the Internet, it would attract a higher penalty than otherwise. For instance, threatening someone with injury to their reputation through email attracts a penalty of three years' imprisonment under the IT Act while the same offence when committed verbally attracts a penalty of two years' imprisonment under the IPC (Section 503 and 506). We feel that this is inconsistent and wrong.

Under the Code of Criminal Procedure, 1973, offences punishable with a jail term of three years or more are 'cognisable'. This means that a police officer can make the arrest without a warrant. This leaves more discretion to the police officer and makes the section liable to misuse.

The particular focus on social media may be mainly due to the fact it is not amenable to government diktats due to patronage in the form of advertising, etc. Also SM is perceived to be more right wing compared to the left liberal nature of the mainstream media or MSM.

In any case, what was started by Nehru is coming to a full circle under his granddaughter-in-law and great grandson. This does not augur well for freedom of speech and it is increasingly becoming an issue of whether there is freedom after speech.

But one hopes that our Supreme Court will throw this draconian lock, stock and barrel since it is against basic norms of free speech, as much argued by Bal Gangadhar Tilak and Mahatma Gandhi, when they were hauled up under sedition laws in their time